The Rise and Fall of Modern Bounderby: An Overview of the Evolution of Economy from Mercantilism to Trumponomics with reference to Dickens’s Hard Times (1854)

The election of Donald Trump can be examined in the context of the rise of authoritarian populist, nationalist, and anti-globalist movements throughout the world due to neoliberal policies, job outsourcing, and the influx of immigrants. Unlike preceded presidents, Trump had no previous political or military experience; instead, he popped out from the business world and entertainment culture. The paper’s endeavour is twofold: first, to trace the evolution of the economy from Mercantilism to Trumponomics, which is a mixture of mercantilism globally and neoliberal flavoured with classical crony capitalism of Dickens’ Bounderby domestically to appease his voters and not to upset his wealthy friends. The second is to draw a comparison between Donald Trump and his counterpart Josiah Bounderby, a stark example of capitalism. The paper will not only trace his ascension to the very pinnacle of world power as the president of the United States but also his fall, testing the allegations of the clown prince of American politics and whether or not he betrayed his anti-globalist followers in pursuing his and big corporates interests. Like his counterpart, Mr Bounderby, who built his image on his rags-to-riches fairy tale, Trump built his own as a man of deals. While the former left no progeny and his fortune was whittled down by the court, the latter was proved to be the worst deal-maker ever. He did more harm than good and produced nothing but a faceless economy and a nation bitterly divided. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND: THE EVOLUTION OF ECONOMY The radical shift brought by neoliberalism and globalization and the open borders policy secured a considerable market to multinational companies. Its repercussions affected not only developing countries but the developed ones as well. Job-outsourcing and the influx of immigrants topple the life of people upside down and led to the appearance of populist movements throughout the free world. Trump and other racist leaders were the results of this radical change in the economy. Many papers and books were written about neoliberalism, globalization and Trump, but going to the roots and connected with literature are hard to find. Thus, this endeavour is trying to fill this gap by both tracing the journey of the economy to secure a platform for discussion and also connecting it with literature. Trump, as a stark example of capitalism, has his counterpart in the history of the economy. Yet, before setting afoot, it is highly essential to shed light on the economy’s evolution. The appearance of the modern economy as a coherent system goes back to the close of the feudal era. The emergence of the nation-state, the discovery of the New World, and the massive influx of wealth all gave an impetus for Published by Australian International Academic Centre PTY.LTD. Copyright (c) the author(s). This is an open access article under CC BY license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.12n.6.p.37 a new economic system, which in the beginning took on a commercial flavour where the focus was on exchanging rather than producing goods. Emphasis on mass production did not appear until the advent of the industrial revolution in the 19th century. Hence, the economy›s evolution can be divided into two main eras: classical and modern. The Classical Era: Mercantilism, Physiocracy, and

With the rise of the Industrial Revolution and arguments put forward by Adam Smith and other classical economists, the free-based market emerged as an alternative system. To Smith (1977), Mercantilism and Physiocracy are outdated as the monarchy itself. The wealth of any nation is not determined by gold or land but by its national income created by the proper division of labour and the ultimate use of accumulated capital. Labor, according to Smith (1977), should be proportionable to the "increase of the productive powers of labour," while capital, which is not only money, of course, is anything that can contribute value. (p. 19). The world is not a zero-sum game; rather, one be specialized in producing what he is good at and importing what he needs. In doing so, everybody gets more prosperous, and there will be no need to invade or colonize one's neighbour. Conversely, according to Smith, governments must not intervene and leave everything to the market forces of supply and demand. To him, watching over the private business is "the highest impertinence and presumption" as no human wisdom "could ever be sufficient; the duty of superintending the industry of private people" (Pp. 460,914). Equally important, the best mover of the economy is the individual's self-interest. He believes that we do not expect our dinner "from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker., but from their regard to their own interest" (p. 30). Briefly, to Smith, the market is a self-regulated, self-corrected entity ruled by the invisible hand. The role of government is limited to provide security and well-defined laws. Other things should be left to the natural course of the market.
Unfortunately, his vision received a severe blow with the onset of the 1929 Great Depression, and it revealed the need for a re-assessment. Smith's mistake was to put so much faith in men motivated by self-interest and so much trust in a market driven by merciless competition. According to McCraw (1992), Smith is a person who lives "the quiet life of a scholar." He had no first-hand knowledge of "any substantial organizations, except universities" (Pp. 356,365). Like mercantilist monarchies and lords of manors, much money was amassed in the hands of few greedy people who made huge investments in the stock market that ultimately gave rise to a bubble burst in 1929 (Yearwood, 2013).

Modern Era: Keynesianism & Neoliberalism
The 1929 stock market crash left classical economists speechless, chewing the same old wives' tale of the invisible hand and self-corrected market. Here came John Maynard Keynes, who openly declared in his seminal book The General Theory (1936) that the classical theory represents the way we like the economy to act, which is totally different from reality. As a pragmatic problem-solver, Keynes chose a middle-ground calling for an immediate government intervention to resuscitate the flagging economy from the age-old curse of capitalism-cycles of boom and bust, by judicious injection of money and wise regulations to smooth out the peaks and troughs to which all economies seem to fatefully prone. For him, the lack of demand is the real cause of unemployment. Thus, he urges governments to cut taxes and increase spending. Putting few dollars in the hands of people will drive demand up to the level of supply. To prevent speculative bubbles, it is reasonably necessary to prevent the accumulation of too much money in the hands of few people who act like unproductive pools. By imposing high taxes on high incomes, governments will work like pumps that collect money and send it back into the public sector through expenditures.
To avoid the repetition of the 1929 tragedy, Roosevelt's administration integrated Keynesianism into the US financial system when Congress passed the Employment Act of 1946. This Act added new responsibilities to the government, such as; securing jobs or some support for the unemployed, which a few years ago was looked at as blasphemy (Carter, 2021). Government spending increased from 10% in the 1930s to 30% in the 1970s to protect people from the economic perils endemic in the capitalistic system (Yearwood, 2013).
The capitalist countries enjoyed the fruit of almost undisturbed economic growth for over 25 years. However, during the 1970s, inflation reached 13%, and the unemployment rate rose above 9%, a shocking number by post-war standards. The new anti-pollution policies, rising costs of energy, and social welfare spending all played a significant role in this radical change. To Keynesianism, inflation can occur if the economy works at full employment. However, stagflation, i.e. high unemployment and high inflation, did occur. It emasculated people's trust in Keynesianism and softened the earth for the appearance of new economic theory.
Such a backlash against interventionism was carried forward by Milton Friedman, who rejected government fiscal policy as a method to influence the business cycle. In his epoch-making book Capitalism and Freedom (1962), Friedman presented the free-market trinity; deregulation, privatization, and cutbacks of social programs. For him, protecting freedom demands limiting government involvement, and thus he opposes unions, occupational licensures, and other barriers. Briefly, he called to smash the New Deal (Ebenstein, 2015).
Neoliberal views of unfettered capitalism and ultralaisser-faire were enthusiastically embraced by Thatcher (1979Thatcher ( -1990 and Reagan (1981Reagan ( -1989. Thatcher used the enormous popularity she obtained after the Falklands War to fight the enemy within; the coal miners, and in 1985 she fired 966 workers. Between 1984 and1988, she privatized over 50 companies, including;British Airways, British Telecom, British Steel, and British Gas. Similarly, Reagan fired over 11 thousand air-traffic controllers who had ignored his order to return to work within 48 hours. Further, Thatcher and Reagan slashed taxes from 83% to 40% in the UK and from 70% to 28% in the US for the benefit of the wealthy, alleging it would make money trickle down to the poor The Rise and Fall of Modern Bounderby: An Overview of the Evolution of Economy from Mercantilism to Trumponomics with reference to Dickens's Hard Times (1854) 39 (Osborne, 2013). Conversely, the fall of the Soviet Union and the advent of globalization secured an excellent opportunity for neoliberalism to spread globally. The big corporates got a chance to enter markets that they had never dreamed of before.
As classical capitalism brought the world to the Great Depression in 1929, neoliberalism led to the 2007 Great Recession. Millions of houses slid into foreclosure, unemployment rose sharply, and the financial system chocked with leftovers of the mortgage crunch. Economists were pushed to question Friedman's credo of the free market. Fresh oversight is needed, and the unfettered market should be fettered. The trickle-down effect did not work. While the wealthy saved their extra cash that supposedly used to spur the economy, the big corporates trickled down abroad. The domestic economy was greatly affected by the departure of capitals and jobs to other countries because the terms of investment were more accessible. Between 1979 and 2005, the profits of the top 1% were tripled. Amadeo (2021) scathingly commented; instead of trickling down, it trickled up.
Contrary to Reagan and Thatcher, Obama was affected by Keynesianism. In 2008, his administration passed legislation to enact a fiscal stimulus of $800 billion to be spread out within two and a half years (Farmer, 2010). The 2007 recession sparked people's anger against neoliberal policies and led to the rise of the far-right. In his seminal book Why Liberalism Failed (2018), Deneen described liberalism as a bankrupt ideology. It is a heartless economic liberalization that is left people materially insecure and culturally unmoored. It is a philosophy of contradictions. While it promotes equal rights, it fosters inequality, and while it favours privatism, it destroys civic commitments. It is a system whose success generates its failure. Briefly, the 2007 recession caused by the neoliberal policies is just a sequel to the 1929 depression, but in a different mask, thereby paved the way for Trump and Trumponomics.

THE RISE OF MODERN BOUNDERBY
The election of Trump can be understood in the context of "Antiism," if we may say so. Despite zero military or government service, unscrupulous business practices, and sexual promiscuity, Trump won the election; why? Trump is anti-establishment, be it local or global; anti-agreements, be it commercial, militarily, or even climatic; anti-globalist, anti-elitist, anti-immigrant, and anti-Muslim. He is an ethno-nationalistic, xenophobic and ardent adherent of "America First." In a masterstroke, he channelled all people's fears, be it racist, financial, cultural, or religious, into bigotry and won the presidency. To Goethals (2018), Trump was the first who played significantly on the elements of nativist, racist and cultural sentiments to reach the White House. Langman (2018) commented that Trump's unique ability was to organize the Republican Party main constituents, i.e. racist white nationalists, evangelical Christians, and billionaire elites, for a single purpose that the nation is losing its privileged identity due to immigrants and the corrupt elites.
For decades, people were watching jobs moving abroad and being swarmed by countless immigrants crossing the borders and pouring into the country, outnumbering the declining White population dramatically. The white majority, as Mollan and Geesin (2019) stated, has lost the benefit of being white. From the civil rights bill in 1964 to the election of Obama, the whites have been feeling that America is no longer a white Christian country. To Langman (2018), it is not precisely the economic consequences of globalization and neoliberal policies rather than the demographic and cultural change they caused. They feel like they are losing their country and changing into a displaced minority. The call for making America great again exactly, to these people, means make it white again, but how?
To Trump, it is pretty simple; deporting the Mexicans, banning the Muslims, and frisking the African Americans. For him, Muslim are terrorists, the Mexican are rapists and drug-dealer, and the African-American communities were the places where one can get shot as he walks to the store (Manza and Crowley, 2018). He decided to build a contemporary Hadrian's Wall between the United States and Mexico. He banned Muslim immigrants from seven countries. In Strangers in Their Own Land (2016), Hochschild related the story of the deep resentment in American communities as they have seen for decades how the 'line cutters;' refugees, immigrants, and minorities, are given the resources and advantages by the government who is labelling them as the oppressed groups. Trump's antipathy to the institutions of government that promoted 'line cutters' created a sort of elation among his supporters. At last, there is somebody who can understand their grievances; at least there is somebody who cares.
Trump's supporters over the years had also suffered much under the vicissitudes of neoliberal policies and globalization. They felt the elites left them behind. Trump won the key states in the Rust Belt and formerly industrialized zones. They responded positively to his protectionist, anti-immigrant and anti-globalist policies. To Kries (2018), most people who voted for Trump were from smaller towns or rural areas rather than metropolitan cities. They had a dislike for the government, along with its capital: the "swamp." To garner more political support, Trump also played upon the fears and resentments of Gun rights fanatics, nationalists who believed the nation was in deterioration, and evangelicals who were afraid of increasing secular culture.
With his bragging, chest-pounding, and hyper-macho posturing, people saw in Trump a Molotov cocktail they could toss into the face of the establishment and its neoliberal policies. Trump presented himself as the toughest guy. He is the macho who can make America great again and vanquish its enemies, be they Chinese, Russian, or ISIS Affiliates. Make America great again: was an invocation of a nostalgic, inherently conservative past that offers a glimpse of his ambitious agenda to re-organize American institutions. To Trump, all American politicians are either stupid or weak. He bashed the US monetary system, attacked all agreements and allies, accusing them of "ripping off" the country (Goethals, 2018).
Conversely, Trump was a master of media spectacle. He was quite capable of creating a convincing narrative. His pre-existing image of business acumen, provided by his pro-ALLS 12 (6): [37][38][39][40][41][42][43][44][45][46][47] gram The Apprentice, his far-right ideologies, and his rightwing populist rhetoric, all contributed to present accessible, acceptable, credible, and therefore a long-awaited national hero. To Gabriel et al. (2018), The Apprentice Series created a strong para-social connection between Trump and the audience. It cemented his image as a decisive person having all the qualities necessary for leadership. Moreover, his ruthless competitive business culture of New York and his famous phrase "you're fired" all enhanced his picture of a leader that could lift the country out of its bitter reality.
Moreover, his roots in professional wrestling could tell much about him and his supporters. The man with money is the one who decides who is going to win or lose. These are the rules of the game. People know it and play along accordingly. In WrestleMania XXIII, the stakes were too great; whoever loses shaves his opponent's head. Trump won and shaved McMahon's head off. Mazer (2018) commented, "these are the people who voted for Trump. This is theirs, and his ethos…. The world of professional wrestling has come to be embodied in the political arena" (p. 175). The results were shown on Trump's second debate with Hillary on October 9, 2016. He refused to shake hand, kept staring at her, and continued insulting her as "Nasty woman," "You're the puppet!" Other decisive factors that helped Trump to win the presidency were the FBI inquiry about Clinton's use of her private e-mail, the interference of Russian Pro-Trump hackers, the exploitation of Facebook's information secured by Cambridge Analytica, the National Rifle Association, and last not least the US Chamber of Commerce (Valli, 2018).
Lastly, what helped Trump much in his campaign, in addition to Twitter, which secured him a vehicle to brag and attack his opponents with simple, accessible messages, was the hype attention he received from the media. His speeches were broadcasted live, frequently in their totality. He enjoyed a boon of free time on TV; no other candidate had ever enjoyed it. As his event over, pundits would spend the rest of the day dissect what he had said. From mid-June 2015 to mid-July, he was in 46% of the news media coverage, and he got 60% of Google news hits. Briefly, it was 'Summer of Trump.' His statements and Tweets were a mixture of entertainment and appalling. He was the first major candidate who mixed between entertainment and politics (Kellner, 2017). His campaign was covered as part of the entertainment section along with the Kardashians and The Bachelorette. Interestingly enough, his baseball hat made him appear as an ordinary fellow. Unlike the sophisticated language of Hilary or Obama, Trump's is quite simple, often vulgar, but easy to catch.

TRUMP VS BOUNDERBY
"The day I realized it can be smart to be shallow was, for me, a deep experience." Donald J. Trump Dickens's Hard Times (1854) is a pivotal novel as it can secure a springboard to trace the primordium of capitalism, and it can display a panoramic view of its ethos. One of the novel's key figures is its chief antagonist and practitioner of capitalism: a cold-blooded impostor, Mr Josiah Bounderby. While writing his novel, Charles Dickens might have been pondering over Trump. He is the Josiah Bounderby of modern Coketown. In his populist version, Trump presents himself as a sort of Robin Hood who cuts taxes and secures jobs for the working class, while in his truer capitalist version, he looks more like Josiah Bounderby, who robs the poor to build his own empire. The similarity is quite astounding and baffling, and it can be examined on many levels.

Biography
Bounderby's biography is a self-penned fiction used to propagate his rags-to-riches fairy tale and support his picture of a self-made man to fit in with the bourgeois ideology of abandonment, privation, struggle, self-determination, and success. He also employed it to defend himself against the grievances of his workers, whose concerns about working conditions and wages were simply a result of their weakness, failure, and greed. His story is quite simple; born in a ditch, abandoned by his mother, and raised by a wicked and alcoholic grandmother who took his shoes to buy alcohol. He used to spend his day in a ditch and the night in a pigsty. His infancy cot was an old egg-box. As for socks, he did not know them even by name. He was sick, moaning and groaning all the time. He was so dirty and ragged that one could not touch him without a pair of tongs. As he became strong enough, he ran away to become a vagabond. The street was his school. From the shops, he learned the letters, and from the clock of St. Giles's Church, under the supervision of a drunken, convicted, cripple thief, he learned how to tell the time. Nevertheless, he pulled through it by himself from a vagabond to Josiah Bounderby of Coketown without any help from others (HT, pp. 14-16). Later, one will discover that the whole story was a hoax. Bounderby was brought up amid a loving family that supported him considerably to get a start.
While Bounderby denied the efforts of his family, Trump did not. He was born and raised in Queens, New York City. His father, a tough, driven property developer, influenced him significantly. He taught him that life is a bitter struggle between winners and losers. The winners, whom he called 'killers,' get everything while losers get nothing. Young Trump took such precious advice to heart. Besides his father, there was Roy Cohn, Trump's mentor and lawyer, for 13 years. He taught Trump not to yield or acknowledge an error.
Contrary to Bounderby, Trump attended the best private schools, and in May 1968, he obtained a degree in economics. During the Reaganite era, he came to prominence, an era of deregulation and "greed is good" ethos. As an entrepreneurial cowboy capitalist, he engaged mainly in renovation and construction. Although he went through many bankruptcies; Taj Mahal, financial fraud, Trump University, and naked profiteering, his fortune remained untouched as he realized from the very beginning that licensing Trump's name is more significant to his financial situation than property development. Trump also engaged in other business activities like beauty pageants and various products ranging from clothes to bottled water to have culminated with his famous reality show The Apprentice (Ko, 2018, Powaski, 2018. The Rise and Fall of Modern Bounderby: An Overview of the Evolution of Economy from Mercantilism to Trumponomics with reference to Dickens's Hard Times (1854) 41 Briefly, one can notice that although the backgrounds were different, the values were the same. Both had been taught that life is a highly competitive arena ruled only by the winners. Moreover, both were born in a period where capitalist values had the upper hand. While Bounderby was born in the cradle of Smith's Capitalism, Trump was grown up during the inception of Friedman's Neoliberalism, the other improved face of capitalism. Whereas Bounderby did not witness the end of Classical Capitalism, i.e. the Great Depression of 1929, Trump witnessed the devastative consequences of Neoliberalism, which availed him so much financially by betting on the housing market crash of 2007-2008 and publicly by securing him free propaganda as the only man who could fix everything, if he won the presidency.

Character
Both Trump and Bounderby are loud, obnoxious, bullying, and the most status-obsessed characters. Both are quite low in agreeableness, lack empathy, enjoy impulse-ridden personalities and can be diagnosed with pathological mendacity. Whereas Bounderby built his reputation on a myth of a waif managed to pull himself out of the gutter to glory, Trump relied on his false allegation as a man of deals. To him, the nation was weakened by the bad deals of past presidents. As an outsider from the elites, he is the only one who can fix it. He came to drain the 'swamp.' To their braggart nature, both love elaborating on their past and current position. While Bounderby declares himself as the Josiah Bounderby of Coketown, Trump managed to climb the very pinnacle of world power as president of the United States.
Physically, both enjoy weird repugnant structures. Mr Bounderby is "a big, loud man, with a stare, and a metallic laugh…made out of coarse material.stretched to make so much of him. A man with a great puffed head and forehead, swelled veins in his temples, and such a strained skin to his face that it seemed to hold his eyes open, and lift his eyebrows up…inflated like a balloon…[with] brassy speaking-trumpet of a voice" (HT, p. 14). On the other hand, Trump is an older man with orange-face, double-chin, and comb-over hair. His oft-played footage mimicking a New York Times reporter with a disability revealed not only his sinister side but also his cartoonish and creepy side.
Bounderby is quite often associated with air-filled terms such as: "inflated like a balloon," "windy boastfulness," "gusty weather with deceitful calms," "blowing a gale," 'blowing a hurricane," "swelling like an immense soap-bubble" (HT,Pp. 14,17,148,149,151,277). Dickens describes him as a "bully of humility," who has "a moral infection of clap-trap in him" (HT, Pp. 14, 43). As for Trump, he is the king of exaggeration and paragon of narcissism. Everything he wants to build should be taller, and every project should carry his name. He continually refers to his signature, his billions, his properties, Miss Universe Pageants, and his book The Art of the Deal (1987), which he considers next to the Bible. In every dispute, Trump sees only one side: his. He knows better than everyone and in everything. Others matter, only if they serve his schemes and desires.
Quite similar to Bounderby, when he refutes the allegations of his "hands," the feeling of disgust and paranoia are Trump's preferable styles. Hillary's bathroom breaks during the 2015-debate with Sanders, the weight Alicia Machado, Miss Universe, gained, and Marco Rubio's way of eating are all disgusting. Disgust, here, transforms the targeted person into an object and strips him/her of his/her humanity. The paranoid style is Trump's next step. Mexicans are criminals, and they eat crops of poor American families in Ohio, Muslims are terrorists, and they celebrate the 9/11 attack, global warming is a Chinese hoax, wind farms causing cancer and vaccines causing autism, and the list goes on (Richardson, 2017;Hart, 2020). In sum, suspiciousness, heated exaggeration, and arousing conspiratorial fantasy were Trump and Bounderby's methods to attack their opponents and refute their allegations. It is a deep-seat constituent of their narcissistic and arrogant characters.

Their Relation with Workers and Pauper People
Bounderby looks at his employees as featureless, emotionless machines. They are mere "hands and stomachs" (HT, p. 63). He always points either to his difficult fictional childhood or accuses them of wishing for more luxury to confront their grievances. He refers to the labour union as "a set of rascals and rebels whom transportation is too good for (HT, p. 149)! Workers, in fact, are treated like animals, and the working hours are stretched to the extremes. They were deafened by the noise of clattering machines and stifled as the simoom-like air is loaded with dust and quite hot due to the absence of proper ventilation (HT, 112). He claims that workers at his factory are the "best-paid" and do "the lightest" work (HT, p. 127). The only improvement needed is to provide his factory with oriental carpets, and of course, he has no intention to do it. As usual, he repeats his mantra by claiming that his workers "expect to be set up in a coach and six and to be fed on turtle soup and venison, with a gold spoon," while in reality, they just ask for fair wages and decent working conditions (HT, p. 70). It is pretty ironic when he wondered why he succeeded to make sixty thousand pounds out of sixpence while others did not, why they cannot do this little feat! Trump's record is full of bankruptcies, unpaid subcontractors, and workers who toiled on his projects. He exploited the sweat of almost 200 undocumented Polish immigrants, who worked round-the-clock, to demolish the Bonwit Teller building to make space for his Tower. Like Bounderby, he threatened poor immigrants with deportation if they asked for their money. Known for his opinion that poverty is a matter of choice, Ben Carson, an acclaimed neurosurgeon, was Trump's choice for Secretary of Housing and Urban Development. Though much of his job is to help the poor people rent or own their homes, Carson is a severe critic of federal programs that promoted welfare assistance and desegregation. Known for his hostility toward organized labour and his critics on hour regulations and minimum wage, Andrew Puzder, the former CEO of CKE Restaurants, was Trump's first nomination for Secretary of Labor. However, he withdrew due to the lack of votes needed for his confirmation ALLS 12(6):37-47 on February 15, 2017 (Philpott, 2016;Pfiffner, 2017). Both Trump and Bounderby had built their fortunes on the sweat of the pauper people for whom they had no respect or any compassion.

Their Views Towards Women
Bounderby's relation to women is a matter of "adding up." The goal of his marriage to Louisa, about 30 years his junior, is to make her a trophy wife. He needs a beautiful marionette, a precious piece of decoration to fill in the missing chapter in his book of glory. It is a sort of loveless marriage, a deal between a theorist and a promoter of capitalism, Mr Gradgrind, and a practitioner of capitalism, Mr Bounderby: infertile alliance. Similarly, keeping a penniless widow of an aristocrat background, Mrs Sparsit, as a housekeeper is another trophy. He never stops inflating her class origin "born in the lap of luxury" and "tiptop fashion" and compares it to his riff-raff background in order to maintain his image of a self-made man who, by sheer determination only, succeeded in dragging himself out of gutters to glory (HT, P. 46).
As he visited Bounderby's house, James Harthouse noticed how it is empty of any feminine touch; "there was no mute sign of a woman in the room. No graceful little adornment, no fanciful little device, however trivial, anywhere expressed her influence" (HT, p. 128). In the case of Louisa and Bounderby, love was expressed in the form of materialistic things, and during the betrothal period, it took a manufacturing aspect (HT, p. 107). This marriage is meant to be fruitless by Dickens, without consummation, as it is built on calculations, not love. Conversely, Bounderby crafted false stories against his biological mother accusing her of negligence and his grandmother of being abusive and tyrannical. However, his myth of a self-made man was exploded at the end when his mother, Mrs Pegler, revealed the truth that he grew up in a normal caring family and received a good education.
As to Trump, women are objects. His relation to them is quite vulgar, vile, and nuisance. His casino, Taj Mahal, in Atlantic City, was the first to have an in-house club for stripers. In his most luxurious hotels, guests could enjoy XXX pornography or watch 'Teenage Sluts,' while having fine French champagne. In 1999In , 2001In , and 2004, he, himself, appeared on the Playboy performing as an actor in three different pornography videos. He was fully dressed, but in some scenes, some women were naked (Gould, 2016;Moye, 2016). He used his power as the sole owner of the Miss Universe contest to hug, kiss, and grope the breasts of so many contestants. He even barged into contestants dressing rooms, particularly when they were unclothed (Shalby, 2016). He was quite ready to date Ivanka if she were not his daughter. It was ok for him when Howard Stern of Howard Stern Show asked if his wife Melania was naked when Trump had Melania talk on the air (Rosenthal, 2016). Like any young braggadocio, he flaunted on the televised presidential debate with Senator Rubio about the size of his penis (Fahrenthold, 2016).
Regarding his female opponents, He trivialized them into someone unworthy of attention or respect by adopting the most demeaning and denigrating ways. He attacked Fox News debate moderator Megyn Kelly a day after the initial Republican debate in 2015, claiming that blood was coming out of her eyes and wherever. As outrage spread, he tweeted that he meant her nose. He also attacked MSNBC hosts Joe Scarborough and Mika Brzezinski by threatening that he was ready to tell the story, insinuating a shady sexual relationship between the two (Kellner, 2018). He accused Rosie O'Donnell of being a "slob" and added that if he were running the view, he would tell her right in her ugly fat face that "she's fired." To female politicians, his criticism was a mixture of gendered critique and foulness. He made an appalling reference to Hillary during the Democratic Party debate commenting on her bathroom use by saying it is "too disgusting." In an interview, he referred to Marie Yovanovitch, a professional diplomat, not by her name, but as "the woman." He claimed to hear some "bad things" about her, but he had to be nice as she is a "woman." Such a reference means she is not a person or a career diplomat, but most importantly, she is a "woman" (Prasad, 2019).
Briefly, both look at women as sexual objects and trophies, designed solely for pleasure and show. Trump's three wives were all models, and Bounderby chose a girl 30 years younger as a trophy wife. However, Trump has progeny, whereas Bounderby's marriage was fruitless.

Human Rights
When Stephen Blackpool, one of the "hands," comes to ask for legal advice concerning his life-sucking marriage that offers neither life nor progeny, Mr Bounderby responds openly that laws are designed in favour of the rich. He tells Stephen that there is such a law; but, "it's not for you at all. It costs money. It costs a mint of money." When Stephen retorts describing law-institution as a "muddle," Bounderby angrily threatens him not to criticize the institutions of his country; elsewise, he will get into trouble (HT, p. 75).
Regarding Trump, he simply does not care. He ignored Russian, Chinese, and other repressive regimes' violations of human rights. Although most US presidents overlooked, to varying degrees, concerns about human rights in favour of some interests, Trump seemed so eager to align with autocrats. He refused to do anything about Rohingyas, Uyghur, or other tragedies. Ironically, but not surprisingly, he is a big fan of authoritarian leaders like Gaddafi, Kim, and Putin. He even never hid his admiration for Saddam, who was so good at hunting down and killing terrorists. During his campaign, he hired Paul Manafort, who served dictators, such as; Viktor Yanukovych of Ukrain, Jonas Savimbi of Angola, Ferdinand Marcos of the Philippines, Joseph Mobuto of Zaire, and the list goes on.
To discourage immigrants, his administration floated the idea of separating immigrants from their children in tent cities. The consequences were quite horrifying. A man who fled violence in Honduras killed himself after his child was taken. A high school student in Iowa was forced to return to Mexico. A few weeks later, his throat was slit (Milbank, 2018). To Bilston (2018), the similarity between Trump's administration's policy on immigrant families and the "New" Poor The Rise and Fall of Modern Bounderby: An Overview of the Evolution of Economy from Mercantilism to Trumponomics with reference to Dickens's Hard Times (1854) 43 Laws of England in the 1830s is quite shocking. Both used the same horrible tactics. Children were forced to leave their families into the workhouse system under the pretext of learning better values once separated from their lazy parents. Everyone can remember the face of Oliver Twist begging for a little more food. Ironically, both administrations used the Bible to justify their evil deeds as God ordained to set order. While Mrs Pardiggle of Bleak House (1852) could not notice a child dying in front of her as she was busy spouting religious text on the poor, Cecilia Jupe of Hard Times (1854) was taken to work as a kind of servant and to help her get rid of the world of fantasy after being abandoned by her father.
Briefly, by detaining children at a tender age in tents, the American government has brought Dickens's world into life again. Bilston concluded that it is 2018, but it makes one feels it is 1834. These measures contributed highly to many deaths along the borders and worsened millions of undocumented immigrants' human and social conditions. In her book The Trumps (2015), Gwenda Blair mentioned the story of Trump's grandfather's attempts to repatriate to Germany. Although he did his best to justify why he could not join the German compulsory military service as he was taking care of his widowed mother, the German authorities saw in him nothing but a draft dodger and sent him back to the country of his current citizenship. It is the same end that his grandson would offer a century later to undocumented immigrants.

Health and Environment
During his electoral campaign, one of his goals was to destroy the Obama Care Program that benefits 45 million Americans, half of them are White working-class (Tatum, 2017). However, most of his assaults were unsuccessful. In his tax reform bill, Trump maintained some tax credits for electricity produced from wind, biomass, solar, hydropower, and other clean sources, but his central policy was to return as much as possible to coal, the most polluting source, and other fossil fuels, such as oil and gas. Trump also announced the US exit, effective in November 2020, from the Paris Agreement; plans to allow off-shore drilling in most American oceanic waters. Trump's anti-environmental policy would increase air, water, and soil pollution. He is pretty similar to Mr Bounderby, to whom the sound of rattling pistons and whirring machines is better than music. He cannot imagine why people complain! The smoke that plagues the city, to him, is "the healthiest thing in the world in all respects, and particularly for the lungs" (HT, p. 126)! In doing so, Trump's America, environmentally speaking, would not be that different from Bounderby's Coketown: a man-made jungle. The elephants' heads-like pistons, whirring machines, stifling oil, hot atmosphere, smelly canals, sardine cans-like houses shrouded in serpents-like smog, are all suffocating people's and spitting their dreams away (HT,Pp. 22,112).

Education
Like Messrs Bounderby and Gradgrind, whose education system of stuffing children's minds with hard facts, statis-tics, and logical deduction did great harm to children, Betsy DeVos, known for her dogged support of privatizing public education, was Trump's choice for Secretary of Education. She revealed she knew nothing about public schools. When she was asked about weapons in schools, she referred to previous testimony that guns are necessary to protect children and teachers from grizzly bear attacks. While most of Trump's supporters send their children to public schools, he directed $20 billion to charter and private schools. The same 19 th -century education system based on utilitarianism philosophy promoted nothing but hard facts and eventually produced an opportunist; Bitzer, bank robber; Tom, and emotionally unbalanced people; Louisa, the new one based on Neoliberalism that promotes deregulation and privatization, will produce more Trumps. To Barkan (2017) and Ujifusa (2019), defunding public education will lead in the long run to an overall decline in the quality of education.

THE FALL
Between his fabulous inauguration and his miserable sendoff attended by a sparse crowd, four lean years have passed, full of lies and deceit. When he arrived at a nearby military base on January 20, 2021, Trump delivered a partisan, defiant and delusional speech in which he gave a catalogue of what he has achieved. Thus, let us make an inventory of his alleged achievements.

Trumponomics: Trump's Faceless Economy
Trump's trade policy was a mixture of mercantilism globally and neoliberalism flavoured with classical crony capitalism of Dickens' Bounderby domestically to appease his electors and not upset his wealthy friends. He argued on every single occasion that the USA "loses." Other countries not only refuse to secure fair reciprocal market access as the US does, but they also manipulate their currencies. He was angry against decades of free trade from the 1970s as the American market opened to Japanese goods up to the massive entry of Chinese goods produced in China by US multinationals in the mid-1990s. To Reed (2018), Trump's protectionist and anti-globalization trade policy is a dramatic shift from the US conventional approach to global trade and international multilateral agreements since Bretton Woods in 1944. Trump is a proponent of isolationism, high protective tariffs, quotas, and bilateral agreements. It is a hallmark of his administration, emphasizing national self-sufficiency versus national interdependence. Trump, according to Rampell (2018), is stuck in the 1680s. He could not realize that the mercantilist win-lose view no longer works in the modern trade. Amassing piles of shiny metals are transitory. Real wealth comes from developing and increasing productivity by specializing and honing what one is good at. Then trade it with others, and in this way, everybody gets richer.
Trump, unfortunately, missed the lesson. He only saw a winner and a loser in his deals, something he gained from his career as a real estate agent. Moreover, he dealt with other countries equally, conflating between enemies and allies. Trump, for instance, announced new tariffs on alumin-ALLS 12(6):37-47 ium and steel imported from the EU, Canada, and Mexico. These countries are not only US suppliers but also its closest allies. He could not even grasp the most straightforward lesson every mercantilist knew that new tariffs should be imposed on finished goods, not on goods one needs to make finished-good exports. To protect US steel and aluminium, Trump endangered US manufacturers, who need these materials to make and sell exports like cars and appliances. He also did the same with China when he listed 1,333 Chinese products, over 80% were capital equipment and intermediate inputs. In retaliation to the US move, China responded by doing the same to over 100 American products. To Peter Morici (2018), a business professor and an economist at the University of Maryland, China, could clearly see how Trump struggled with the Democratic in Congress and looking forward to his eventual defeat in 2020.
He described all politicians as stupid or weak, but he filled his administration with political insiders and former lobbyists. For instance, he appointed the Boeing former executive, Patrick M. Shanahan, as an acting US Secretary of Defense in 2019; former pharmaceutical lobbyist, Alex Michael Azar Jr, to run the Department of Health and Human Services in 2018; Former coal executive, Faegre Baker Daniels, to run Environmental Protection Agency; and former oil lobbyist, Brownstein Hyatt Faber Schreck, to run the Department of the Interior. He badly attacked the elites, but he did them huge favours. While he reduced tax for the big corporates and deregulated the energy and financial sectors, he cut public spending on health care and welfare. He received tremendous support from the construction sector and the military complex. Among his donors were Robert Woods Johnson, Linda McMahon, Robert Murray, and the Adelson family, who supported the moving of the US embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. Some big donors got some posts in return, such as Linda MacMahon, nominated as a US Small Business administrator, and Robert W. Johnson, appointed ambassador to the UK (Valli, 2018).
Last but not least, he promised to bring down the American deficit and eliminate the Federal Debt; but, while the former hit $891 billion, the latter exploded to 21.5 trillion in 2018. He promised to boost wages, keep jobs inside America and take strict action on companies shipping jobs overseas. However, his tax law and trade war pushed many companies to move and trickle down abroad. Instead, he used taxpayer money to fund his luxurious lifestyle. His golf trips alone cost $110 m. Taxes money was also used to fund his children's trips to India, Uruguay, and Canada. Like Mr Bounderby, who hired his brother-in-law to work in his bank, he appointed his daughter and son-in-law as close advisers and excluded many well-experienced Republicans. Both Ivanka and her husband, Kushner, had offices in the West Wing and hold critical national and international responsibilities (Boot, 2018;Reich, 2019).

Trump's Politics
To Trump, allies, international agreements, and organizations are all making use of the US. He favoured bilateral to multilateral agreements. He withdrew from some international agreements, i.e. the Paris Climate Agreement, adopt-ing an isolationist view that sees it as a threat to the US economy. He endorsed Brexit and thus put an end to a seventy-year US support for European integration. He described the WTO as the worst trade deal ever, and he threatened to withdraw. He withdrew from TPP, the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which secured protection to US farmers, workers, and business people and left other Pacific Rim countries more vulnerable to Chinese merciless economic influence. He also described NAFTA, the North American Free Trade Act, as the worst deal ever. He threatened to abrogate it if Canada and Mexico disagreed with his terms. He could not imagine that US withdrawal might set a butterfly effect that could hit the global supply chain. Canada and Mexico did not wait and concluded agreements with the European Union and other Western hemispheric countries. He aborted negotiations with the EU on TTIP, Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, and preferred direct talks with Germany.
His style of using the stick, then carrot did not work with all. According to Felbermayr (2018), the bullying policy did not work well with more significant partners like China or the EU, but it did a little with Mexico and South Korea. However, his aggressive policies had hardly moved the needle on Mexico and South Korea's trade balances with the United States. Canadians and Europeans resisted Trump's pressure, and many economists predicted grave harm to the US economy. As for China, which possesses substantial dollar reserves, can selectively attract vital investments and divert what is sent to the US to Japan, Europe, or other destinations. The only victims of Trump's policies were the American farmers and manufacturers. Max Boot (2018) mentioned that raising the cost of cars produced in the US due to steel tariffs would destroy 40,000 jobs. Moreover, if Mexico imposed a 20 per cent tariff, this would mean a $560 million hit on only one business in one state.

Trump's Military Policy
Trump believed that many treaties should be renegotiated. He described them as either one-sided or economically unfair. He threatened that the US would reduce its pledge to NATO if other members did not meet their financial commitments. He called this alliance 'obsolete' and warned those countries to be ready to defend themselves. There is no logic in continuing the guarantees of rich countries' security such as Germany, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, or Saudi Arabia. Without the American cloak or its nuclear umbrella, such countries would face hard times. So, they have to pay. He saw, according to Thompson (2018), US alliances as burdens, not assets. He also enfeebled the global effort to cease the spread of nuclear weapons. On May 8, 2018, he carried out his threat and withdrew from the Iran nuclear multinational agreement. He also threatened North Korea with nuclear destruction and recommended that South Korea and Japan develop their own nuclear weapons to respond to North Korea's nuclear threat. Conversely, he suspended US aid to Pakistan in fear that the Taliban might seize its nuclear weapons. As a result, his threats reinforced Kim's determination to continue his nuclear program and pushed both Pakistan and Iran closer to China (Powaski, 2018).
The Rise and Fall of Modern Bounderby: An Overview of the Evolution of Economy from Mercantilism to Trumponomics with reference to Dickens's Hard Times (1854) 45 As for the Middle East, he promoted failure while braggingly preached success. He withdrew from the multinational nuclear agreement with Iran, added fuel to the violent conflict between Sunni gulf countries and the Iranian-led Shiite coalition. He took the Saudi side in its dispute with Qatar, overlooking Qatar is hosting the most significant US base in the Middle East. Similarly, he closed the PLO office in Washington, approved the expansion of Israeli settlements in the West Bank, recognized Golan Heights as Israeli territories, and moved the US embassy to Jerusalem. In doing so, he broke an international consensus that this critical issue should be settled via peace talks.
He decided to pull out Syria, leaving it to Putin, who spared no time to slip in. He gave the Russian Navy access to warm water, a dream Russia has been working for since the days of the tsars. He praised the Kurds for their bravery in fighting ISIS; later, he left them open to retaliation by the Syrian government and angry Turks. Trump could not get rid of a businessman's mentality, mixing between business and political deals. One cannot walk away without consequences. He built his rationale on the oil that America does not need anymore. He could not imagine the danger of the vacuum such a withdrawal could create. It would encourage Iran to dominate the Gulf. On the other hand, according to Sanger and Haberma (2016), part of the presence of American troops is Israel's defence, as well as securing advanced sites for drones and special operations.

CONCLUSION
"Have a good life; we will see you soon." Donald J. Trump By tracing the economy's journey, one can conclude that flexibility and a careful reading of both human nature and the nature of the market are crucial. Mercantilism and Physiocracy failed as they recognized one thing, i.e. bullion and land, overlooking other factors. Nations' wealth is not determined by bullion or land rather by its national income. Money is not an end but rather a means, and seeing the world as a zero-sum game would eventually lead to trade wars and military adventurism. The real wealth is not in hoarding the precious metals rather the ability to produce them. The same is true for classical capitalism or its improved version of neoliberalism, as both put so much faith in people driven by self-interest and put so much trust in a market built on competition. Capitalism needs freedom to flourish, and freedom sometimes leads to loss of control and eventually crisis. Capitalism-freedom-chaos is a complicated equation to be handled. The only spot of light was the New Deal. However, it failed as it could not realize that the fundamental role of government is to be a minder, not the market's controller. The role of government, as Keynes believes, is to add oil to a squeaky wheel. Replacing the invisible hand of capitalism with the heavy hand of government cannot solve the problem. While an unfettered market gave rise to destructive greed, interventionism resulted in sloth, and both are fatal sins. As the 1929 Great Depression drifted away many countries in protectionism and led to WWII, the consequences of the 2007 Great Recession are not an exception as rising nationalism can jeopardize world stability. Trump won the presidency because he promised he could do something about it. However, asking a clown like Trump to fix the international trade policy is like asking a six-year-old boy to perform brain surgery. Hence, today's leaders must not repeat the error of protectionism. Policymakers have to grasp the dimension and the roots of the crisis to adjust the right level of taxes and change regulation of the financial sector, and provide the right fiscal stimulus package. The situation is quite serious.
Like Mr Bounderby, who is given the coup de grâce in the final chapter and revealed as a liar and fraud by his loving mother, Mrs Pegler, unknowingly, of course, the modern Bounderby, Mr Trump, was revealed as the worst deal-maker ever. While the former built his image of a selfmade man on his rags-to-riches fairy tale, Trump built his as a man of deals. Yet, he showed that he could not make a deal. No deal with North Korea; instead, they developed missile programs and recent Satellite images, revealing that North Korea is still upgrading its nuclear facilities. No deal with EU, no deal with G7, no deal with Russia, no deal with Iran, and finally, no deal with China. On the contrary, while the EU agreed to negotiate the resolution of the trade war Trump provoked in the first place, China retaliated on the US turf. Briefly, Trump cannot make deals; instead, he pulls out of or destroys ones already made or simply forgets about it. Although everything around them has been changed, they did not have the capacity for it. Their egomania prevented them from seeing the truth. Mr Bounderby was proved to be an awful reader of people. He failed to see that Stephen is the most honest worker in his factory and Tom is the actual bank robber. He could not feel how much contempt Mrs Sparsit had for him, and the man who received generously at his house, Mr Harthouse, is after his young wife. Similarly, Mr Trump was proved to be a terrible businessman. His faceless economy, a mixture of mercantilism globally and neoliberal flavoured with classical crony capitalism of Dickens' Bounderby domestically, did significant damage to the country and his fellow citizen. Mr Bounderby died "of a fit in the Coketown street" (HT, 298) like a stray dog without any redeeming qualities. His end was quite ignominious, and his estate was whittled away by the court. Mr Trump, on the other hand, left the Whitehouse at 8.18 AM on January 20, 2021, chased by his famous phrase 'you're fired,' leaving behind a legacy of chaos, 400,000 corona victims, and a nation bitterly divided.