Quality as Determinant for Long Shelf Life and Consumer Loyalty in Nollywood Productions

Nollywood, is the Nigerian film industries that had evolved without state support, and was ranked as as the world’s second largest producers of movies by UNESCO Institute of Statistics. However, the industry has continued to incur the negative consequences of poor quality production on consumers’ patronage and shelf life of produce, in spite of abiding growth propensity. It is against this backdrop that this research was conducted to examine production quality as determinant for long shelf life and consumers’ loyalty in Nollywood movies. The study, which focuses on grassroots, employs the mixed methods research, combining interview, survey, and content analysis as methods for data collection. It argues that the abiding problem of quality in the industry, which is grounded on colonial cinematic legacies, was perpetuated by the failure of Government to align the industry as a viable sub-sector for economic growth. Thus, the study establishes that there is a direct correlation between the poor production quality, diminishing consumer loyalty and a trifling shelf life of Nigerian movies amidst the increasingly high volume of movie produce. The study concludes that piracy is the fundamental problem that militates against quality investment, which engenders compromise in production quality, and grounds poor consumer patronage and low shelf life. Therefore, the study recommends the need for Government to harness the viability of the industry by engaging needful interventions for the structuring and the development of a bankable movie industry, through legislation and implementation of policies that can stimulate, protect and sustain quality productions of the Nigerian video films.


INTRODUCTION
The aim of this study is to examine the issue of production quality as a determinant of consumer loyalty and shelf life in the Nigerian film industry. Going by the survey conducted by UNESCO Institute for Statistics which established that the Nigerian movie industry is ranked the 3 rd producers of film in the world (UNESCO Press, 2009, np), it is expected that that the industry would be a major booster to the Nigerian economy. This feat at ranking was plausibly achieved giving the cultural vibrancy and high population of the Nigerian landscape. The Nigerian population had grown exponentially since the 1960 independence, from 45.2 million to being the most populous African nation with over 200 million people in 2020. The nation also captures more than 500 ethnic groups within its geography (Nigerian Population, 2020, np). This mass combines with a population of not less than 5 million Nigerians in the Diaspora (The Nigerian Diaspora, nd, np), who are zealots of the Nigerian indigenous products to constitute the potential consumers of the Nigerian film.
Further, the industry is an independent zone which is open to skilled and unskilled personnel. More ambitious individuals sign up as practitioners, only to learn on the job. Hence, there is an overwhelming moviemaking workforce that churns out movies in large numbers. To this end, PWC-Nigeria (2017) declares that the Nigerian movie industry is one on the "priority sectors identified in the economic recovery and growth plan of the Federal Government of Nigeria with a planned $1billion in export revenue by 2020..." (np). This corroborates Moudio's projection which states that the industry "generates an impressive $590 million annually" (2013, np), which suggest ought to have been positioned for structured investment, and development considerations by Government at all levels.
However, scholarly investigations have established that there is the need to address existing challenges that berserk the Nigerian film industry, so that it may assume the expected status of economic significance for national development. One major challenge that has militated against the development of the industry to this expected status is the poor quality of movie productions. Many Nigerians have themselves become adherent critics of the Nigerian movies as reaction to the unchanging poor quality. According to Shimsenge & Agav (2014): The problem of quality in the industry has generated questions even from its viewers who are often found engrossed in discussions within the 'circle of critics' of the fast growing industry. From incongruous plot to the action of the actors-false and non-motivated actions, misfit soundtrack/background music, poor picture/audio quality and overtly poor packaging-the list seems inex-haustible… (p.107).
The forgoing provides part of common place appraisal of most Nigerian films, which have far reaching consequences on the development of the industry. Meanwhile, there is a significant body of knowledge concerning the development of the Nigerian film industry, especially as it concerns quality and marketing strategies. They often examined the experiences of stakeholders at the production line, such as producers, marketers, directors and actors, but they seldom capture the positions of grassroots stakeholders, viz.-movie retailers and consumers. Hence, this study fulfils the need for a grassroots' study on the issues of quality in the productions of the Nigerian film industry, from the perspective of the movie retailers and consumers. The study also evaluates consumer patronage and the shelf life of the movie production, while examining quality as determinant variable of consumer loyalty, and shelf life in the industry. The grassroots' study was conducted at five neighbouring towns in Ekiti State, consisting of Ifaki-Ekiti, Ayegbaju-Ekiti, Oye-Ekiti, Ilupeju-Ekiti and Ikole-Ekiti, with a study population of 175 people.

The Nollywood Trademark
The tag "Nollywood", which has been assumed as the brand name for the Nigerian film industry was first mention by Onishi (2016), a Japanese-Canadian Journalist, when he described his observation from a movie making process witnessed at Surulere, Lagos (np). Having observed that the Nigerian experiment at perfecting video format for film production was characterised by cost and time effectiveness, he employed the word Nollywood to describe a possible Hollywood in Nigeria, even when the filmmaking practice in Los Angeles differs widely from what he met in Lagos Jedlowski (2011) states the "the term 'Nollywood' could easily resume in one word all the claims emerging within the video environment... it deserved to be compared to the two most successful film industries in the world, Hollywood and Bollywood" (p.229). Though many practitioners and scholars have embraced the fanciful brand name, 'Nollywood' these researchers oppose the use of the brand name because it lacks the values of originality and legality. Considering that the underlying concept of Hollywood and Bollywood; two industries for which Nolly-(a truncation of Nigeria) aspires to ape a "woodness" from, derives from the existence of a physical space and a dedicated geography for filmmaking. That such geography is nonexistent in Nigeria makes the brand name awkward. Further, it has been recently confirmed that the registration of the "Nollywood" trademark was secured, unnoticed, in December 2003 by an American-based businessman-Nicholas Opara (Justia, n.d., np.). This should signal caution to the lovers of the fancy name. Thus, there is the need to creatively christen a trademark that demonstrates originality. Therefore, as this paper proceeds, the researchers will prefer to use the nomenclature Nigerian films industry in the place of 'Nollywood'.

Quality
Quality is the demonstration of standard features that distinguishe one brand from the other, and this is applicable to both products and services. In the context of this study, quality is examined in the product (movies, which is the outcome of the embodiment of different services in the filmmaking workforce. The concept of quality here is explored along its subjective and objective dimensions, which Juran and Foe (2010) defines succinctly as "fit to use" and "world class excellence", respectively (p.5). In the subjective sense, the taste of the consumer determines the basis for quality, giving ground for product de-standardization, to meet the varying taste and values of the different levels of consumers, which may come with possible cost reduction. On the other hand, the objective dimension to quality is based on an assumed universal standard for excellence. In this regard, the products can compete globally, and will be to consumers beyond bothers. Further, Juran and Foe (2010) describe quality as an expression of "freedom from the troubles traceable to office errors, factory defect, and field failure..." (p.6). Good quality, in this sense, concerns the diminishing error margins in the production process, and suggests product efficiency.

Consumer Loyalty and Shelf Life
This researchers employ the term "consumer", which has also been interchanged with the term 'customer' in the later part of this study, to mean the end users and patrons of the product. Thus, the phrase consumer or customer loyalty refers to all expressions that demonstrate commitment of users to the products. This phrase shall also refer to the devotion of movie viewers to each new production release, and their appropriate response to the financial duty that accrues. The researchers also employ the term shelf life as applicable to the sale of cosmetics, foods, drinks and pharmaceuticals. It alludes to the span of time for which a product may be retained in shelf without being unfit for sales. In this case, it will be determined by the loss interest of consumers, who will rather go for a more recent release and neglect old productions. It is the implication of a product's quality on the end user's loyalty and the shelf life of the product, which are the primary concerns of the study.

Foundations of Cinematic Culture in Nigeria
The Art of filmmaking is not indigenous to Africa. Film originated from the West in the 19 th century, as an artistic innovation of technological advancement in photography. (Cook, 2015, np). Subsequently, the colonialists introduced film to Africa. Udomisor and Anayo (2014) note that "the first film in Nigeria was exhibited in August 1903 at Clover Memorial Hall, Lagos" (p.10). The forms of films available, then, were commercial films which were exhibited as entertainment for the elite class, and Government propaganda films that were designed for masses orientation. According to Ayakoroma (2014), the colonialists employed film to meddle with the Nigerian indigenous culture and religion, and for public reorienting (p.28). Okome and Haynes (1997) corroborate this when they note that colonial films were used to "perpetuate colonial ambitions, reducing colonial subjects to its scope of reference in politics, culture, economics and social systems" (p.p.26-27). The use of film for public awareness in this regard was amplified at the advent of an epidemic outbreak, which resulted from rat infestation at the Lagos Protectorate in 1929. Thus, Shaka (2002) explains that: The public enlightenment programme was timely in curtailing the spread of the false rumour and superstition on the causes of the epidemic in the protectorate. The success of this experimentation led the colonial administration to adopt film as a medium of instruction (p.12). In 1931, the British colonialists established Mobile Film Units (MFU) which also serviced the interior parts of the colonies. The MFUs were later branded Colonial Film Units (CFU), and was used to exhibit war propaganda films during the Second World War. Then, in 1946, the CFU became Federal Film Units (FFU) to exhibit only instructional movies in the form of documentary films (Shaka, 2002, 12).
Therefore, the colonialists only introduced cinema as an administration tool, but they failed to establish viable foundations for cinematic culture in the Nigerian colonies. The natives were only featured in the FFU documentaries as typecasts; they hardly gained the experience of vital activities that go on behind the camera (Ossai, 2018, p.3). According to Asobele , "the colonial films show that the people of the colonies were not taken into considerations at the planning stage of film productions" (cited in Ossai, 2018, p.3). Okome and Haynes (1997) agree with this position, when they state that the "FFU did nothing to nurture a sophisticated film audience in Nigeria… Nigerian films cannot be relevant until it defines its image outside this ambiguity" (p.27). The Nigerian film industry had its footing on this colonial cinematic heritage, which seemed to have mystified cinematic operations and administrations.

The Development of the Nigerian film Industry
Okome and Hynes explains that against this foundation, the first Nigerian feature film, Kongi Harvest was produced in 1970, as directed by Ossie Davies (1997, 32). The movie was based on Wole Soyinka's play of the same title, and production had the elite class as target audience. In a similar manner, 1971, the classic novel of Chenue Achebe-Things fall Apart (1958) was also shot as an elitist film under the title Bullfrog in the Sun (Pohland, 1971). Subsequently, indigenous directors, such as Ola Balogun, emerged. Balogun, became famed for the "filmed theatre" approach, because he exploited the prospects of shooting the films of the popular stage performances by the Yoruba Travelling Theatre troupes. His collaboration with Hubert Ogunde, Duro Ladipo, Ade Love and Moses Olaiya, had produced a volume of titles which includes Ajani Ogun (1976), Aiye (1979), Jaiyesimi (1979, Kadara (1982) Ija Ominira (1982, Ayanmo (1983), Orun Moru (1984) and Mosebolatan (1985). Also, Eddie Ugboma's approach to filmmaking differed widely, as he his films reflected the influence if the American action films, with plots based on real life incidents of crime and violence that were action packed. His film titles include The Mask (1979), Oil Boom (1980), Fall of Oyenusi (1980, The Boy is Good (1972), Vengeance of the Cult (1984) Bolu's 80 (1982, Death of the Black President (1983) and Apalara (1986), among others. It is worthy of mention to notes that Adamu Alilu and Sule Umar were also pioneer Nigerian filmmakers and producers of northern Nigerian extraction.
Notably, the Nigerian film industry was founded on the artisanal initiatives of the early practitioners. It had no distribution model to drive the essence of film a as business. The emergent cinema industry was also pressured by the lack of material and financial infrastructures. Hence, Ayakoroma (2014) states that: The Colonial administration laid an unstable foundation for the industry in Nigeria. There was overdependence on Europe for facility and distribution, and the conditions of service in Government film production units were encouraging enough to attract quality personnel (p.37). The films were Nigerian, only, on the grounds that they were written by Nigerians, shot in Nigeria and, with Nigerian cast members. The production equipment, as well as the handlers, both came from either Europe or America; the place for all post production processes. However, the earliest gestures of Government's intervention in the industry did not to yield any positive development, because Government seem to have demonstrated the lack the goodwill and sincerity for meaningful implementations. Thus, records bear that: A colour processing lab in Port Harcourt was never completed. The distribution system, which had been in the hands of Lebanese and Indians, was indigenized by decree in 1972, but this resulted merely in the acquisition of Nigerian fronts. Investors rushed into the new business of production in the mid 70s, and then rushed out again… Grandiose plans for facilities in Jos, including a cinema village, are motivated more by political and bureaucratic interests than by a calculation of what filmmakers really need (Okome and Haynes, 1997, p.3). The non availability of production infrastructure, financial facilities and an organized distribution network caused the earliest film makers to wane in production endeavours, except for the "filmed theatre' practice which had a peculiar exhibition networks (Haynes,n.d.,p.174).
The practice of travelling theatre had thrived remarkably since the 1950s, and they had established a vibrant theatre culture, and loyal theatre patrons in the rural-urban communities of south west Nigeria, particularly. These theatre patrons became the ready consumers of the filmed theatre cinema productions. Okome and Haynes (1997, p.p.4-5) note that over 100 active Yoruba travelling theatre companies were existent as at 1980, and most of them took to cinema productions, which made them to travelled with their films. They clinched to their itinerant model of taking entertainment to the people's doorsteps, which did not favour the distribution of films beyond scheduled coverage. Thus, Okome and Haynes (1997) remark that "the Yoruba films are not exportable because in most cases, they do not meet the world's minimum cinematic standards; technically or stylistically" (p.6). In spite of the availability of world-class production equipment, handlers and postproduction at best-practices, the cinematic quality of the filmed theatre cinema remained a fundamental challenge.
However, the "filmed theatre" practice was sustained in Nigeria until the final collapse of the industry. Scholars attribute the collapse of early cinematic practice in Nigeria to two major factors, viz.-the nefariousness of piracy, and an austere government policy. On one hand, the tragic experience of Moses Olaiya (1936-2018) on the piracy of Orun Mooru, which made rounds in the history of Nigerian film industry, typifies the destructive impact of piracy in the industry. Haynes (Yr) note that "when I interviewed him (Moses Olaiya), he spent most of his time lamenting the piracy of Orun Mooru, which had ruined him... he never recovered financially, or, it seems, emotionally" (p.179). The other factor concerns the introduction of a "Structural Adjustment Programme" (SAP) in 1986, when the nation's economy slipped into a recession (Ayakoroma, 2014. p.38), and it became impracticable for filmmakers to import the hired material resources and the expertise for subsequent filming. Filmmaking in Nigeria assumed a dark age.

Renaissance of the Nigerian Film Industry (.)
The yearning of consumers after the collapse of the Nigerian cinematic practice became partly satisfied by television programs, especially the indigenous drama and soap opera which were becoming popular. Ayakoroma (2014) notes that VHS tapes were already in use as a storage device for television recorded programmes since early 1980s, and apart from recorded television dramas, there were sporadic productions of comic skits in VHS for possible sales to home viewers (p.49). This seemed to have set the stage for the possibility of a Nigerian video film practice. For this, Alade Aromire ; who rarely gets due credit as the pioneer of video films in Nigeria, broke grounds on this possibility. According to Ishola (n.d.): Prior to 1984, film lovers in Nigeria made do with cinema houses for their movie entertainment until Alade Aromire produced the first made-in-Nigeria home video titled "Ekun". The production of Ekun on VHS format opened a new chapter in the evolution of home video film industry in the country... It was premiered at Super Cinema, Lagos in December 1984 (np). The availability of video production technical facilities had enhanced this swift development of the video film experiments. Okome and Haynes (1997) note that: The Video resources in Lagos are considerable, with about twenty video production houses, and since a feature can be produced on video (for distribution by video cassette) for about a tenth the price of a celluloid film, there has been a persuasive structural adjustment towards video production (p.2). Then, the video film production hit commercial success with Living in Bondage (Rapu, 1992) as produced by Kenneth Nnebue (Ayakoroma, 2014, p.50). This gave rise to an influx of more video films, as the Nigerian populace embraces the home video phenomenon.
Thus, the Nigerian Video film industry emerged and began to strive, without Government intervention. The filmmaking workforce had organized themselves into guilds and associations for the home video business. Subsequently, film financiers, fondly regarded as marketers dictated the tune of production, and developments of the mainstream video film industry. Ossai (2018) notes that Lagos, Kano and Onitsha had always served as the distribution points for the mainstream industry, and these point remain the base of the Nigerian video film marketers. Apart from regular productions in English language, the self-sponsored industry became ethicized along some major Nigerian ethnic nationalities, producing films in Yoruba, Igbo, Hausa, Efik, Idoma, Benin and other ethnic groups (p.5). This, which is responsible for the overwhelming proliferation of video films in the mainstream industry, premises Moudio's claim that "the Nigerian film industry, also known as Nollywood, produces 50 movies per week" (2018, np).

Quality of the Nigerian Films (793 w.c.)
The ranking of the Nigerian film industry by UNESCO, as established in Section 1, was not based on the quality, rather it was rather based on the quantity of films produced. The question of quality, which was a fundamental issue with the earliest industry that collapsed, still bugged the industry at renaissance and till present day. The lead researcher on this study, who had participated actively in the filmed theatre production era, as Actor, avers that the films of the earliest industry were a show of theatrical skills and talents. The filmed theatre practice was lush in the verboseness and kinesis that characterized the original stage performances, instead of the manipulation of plot driven visuals, alongside speech and sound, in the mode of cinematic practice. Thus, in spite of the availability of high-tech human and material resources back in the day, the misplacement of form and content left a deficit in the quality of the productions. This misplacement of material content and presentation had resulted in what Soyinka refers to as "stagy" and 'static" films (Cited in Ayakoroma, 2014, p.30).
Also, Peter Brooks explains that the filmed theatre lacks the narrative subjectivity that characterizes cinematic art (cited in Pavis, 2003, p.108). Notably, the objectivity of performance is fundamental to theatre practice because the audience is live, and bodily present with the performers. Hence, their interest is driven by the performer's poise. On the other hand, for the film medium where viewers are not readily present with performers, subjective artistic expression are required to hold the interest of viewers to the recorded performance. Thus, Pavis (2003) remarks that the language of expression consists in the manipulation of shots, angles and movements in order to achieve a cinematic sense of speed, intensity and the immediacy of actions (p.p108-109). Hence, the skills and talents of the actor are secondary, and useful only to an extent that it may enhance the pungency of the plot. It is in this light that Giannetti (1996) remarks that "the movie actor is ultimately a tool of the director-another language system through which the filmmaker communicates ideas and emotions" (p.236). However, Since, the collapse of the 'filmed theatre' and the emergence of the video films, the deficit of quality are still observable in the form and content of the Nigerian film, and the survivalist approach of the industry is taking negative effects on quality of movie productions.
Thus, Asigbo and Ihentuge (2012) state that "commercial considerations lord it over artistic excellence in the industry; quality is sacrificed at the altar of financial return" (p.8). At will, the financier-marketers interfere in aspects of production that are beyond their capacity, which engenders crude production processes. Hastily made scripts, lack of expertise, nepotism, and cutting of corners are some of such crude practices. This crudeness seemed to have been inspired by 'poverty mentality' approach to quick profiteering, which results in the production of poor quality movies that permeate the industry. Shaka and Ihentuge (2018, p.52) agree with this position when they observe that these movies are largely characterized by poor storyline, dialogue and narrative techniques, stagy acting, costume and make-up design and general dramatic overstatements (see also Uwha, 2013, p.8).
It is noteworthy to mention that apart from the video film industry, which is the mainstream production line that this study focuses on, the Nigerian films also consist in the emergent cinema movies. Such productions as Kunle Afolayan  (2011), among others fall in this category (Ryan, 2015, p.59). Further, Ryan notes that this emergent cinema practice in Nigeria demonstrates the "quest to improve on image quality in all ramifications, to fascinate local audience who are beginning to get disinterested and to offer a product that can go for viewing at the cinemas at home and abroad" (p.56). It employs the use of sophisticated equipment, expanded production schedule, improved content and presentation style, alongside keen attention for the technicalities of light and sound. Hence, these cinema movies require time and huge funds, the films are released periodically. However, this arm of the industry has also attracted the interest of Government and corporate organizations. Bakare and Isijola (2017) note that Government is facilitating the establishment of a "National Endowment for the Arts" (p.47), and many cinema production companies have accessed funding from the Bank of Industry, thereby encouraging an upsurge in cinema film productions.

Marketing and Distribution of the Nigerian Video Films
The video films production line, which earned the industry its fame of unprecedented production quantity, is the mainstream industry. It has continuously made DVD releases from the marketer's base to retail points at the grassroots. These marketers also explore the internet platform and satellite television networks as means of later distributions of the movies. However, the market viability of the video films remains a subject of debate for scholars and practitioners. According to Uwah (2013, p.83), "debates over how much a production cost in Nollywood has been open ended. On the main, it has attracted the attention of people from outside Nigeria". Though, Moudio (2013) estimates that the industry generates $590 million (two hundred and sixteen billion Naira-N367/$1) annually, projecting that the industry produces 50 movies per week, and each runs on a budget that ranges between $25,000 and $70,000 (np), Uwah (2013) recalls that the UNESCO Institute for Statistics also admits that "there is a problem with official statistics about most aspects of media production and consumption in Nigeria" (p.83). Thus, the lack of verifiable records that should provide useful information on marketing and distribution in the industry renders the net worth estimations as mere media guess or PR strategies.
The absence of useful market statistics has further established Government's negligence of the industry. Nonetheless, Ryan (2015, p.66) states that the Nigerian video film industry has a "gestation period", which spans between the commencement of pre-production and end of post-production, of one month. This is situated in the deduction of Shaka and Ihentuge (2018), who state that "once a film is released, the filmmakers, usually the marketer, does all he can to recoup his money within the first two weeks referred to as mating season" (p.52). These hypotheses of "gestation period" and "mating season" both highlight the brevity bequeathed to the complex production process of movie making on account of caution on piracy.

METHODOLOGICAL CONCERNS (352 W.C)
Purposively, the research study area consists of residents in Ikole, Ifaki, Oye, Ilupeju and Ayegbaju township-rural mix. It is envisaged that residents in the area are largely viewers of the Nigerian video films because of the absence of a Cinema in Ekiti state at the time of this research, and the high tendency of film watching in the area. The researchs employ the mixed methods approach, combining survey and interviews to generate data from the grassroots. The survey made use of a questionnaire instrument titled-"Questionnaire on Content Quality and Viewers' Commitment to Nigerian Video Film Productions" (QCQVCNVFP), which was drafted in English with simplified terms. QCQVCN-VFP is a one-page document that appears in three sections: section I covers respondents' socio-demographic statistics, section II contains items on content quality assessment with the four-point Likert scale, while items on viewers' commitment assessment are contained in section III, and on the dichotomous scale. Further, five movie retailers were interviewed differently in each locality within the study area, on the issues of quality, customers 'commitment and shelf life of the Nigerian video films.
The research involved fifteen undergraduate students of Theatre and Media arts departments from Federal University Oye-Ekiti, who assisted during the survey and interview sessions. In some cases, the research assistants aided survey participants who had difficulties with reading and writing, by communicating the items on the QCQVCNVFP to them in the local dialect, and assisting them to register their responses on the instrument. 2,300 copies of the questionnaire were prepared and administered within the research area, 1,907 copies were returned at the end of the exercise, and 1,750 copies were dully completed. Therefore, the survey result is based on the 1,750 copies of questionnaire that were valid for analysis, which represents 76.1% response rate. The other 23.9% of the copies administered were either not returned or incompletely filled. Data from the survey was analyzed through the Statistical Package for Social Science (SPSS) for windows software, and presented for univariate analysis of the frequency and percentage proportion for each item entry. Data from the interview sessions were categorized by themes, and subjected to content analysis.  . In Number 6, a high proportion of 63.1% (SA: 24.3% and A: 38.8%) of the respondents registered concern that the Nigerian movies reflect more bad images than good about the Nigerian society. Number 7 indicates that 72.5% (SA: 27.3% and A: 45.2%) of the respondent averred that acting in the Nigerian movies is not as good as it is in the foreign films. Item number 8 shows that a high proportion of 70.7% (D: 31.4% and SD: 39.3%) of the respondents confirmed that they find it boring to watch the same Nigerian movie more than a singular time.

S/n Variable Frequency (n) Percentage
In Section III, which bothers on consumer commitment to the Nigerian movies, Number 11 shows that 64.8% of the respondents had not bought a Nigerian movie DVD in the past 10 months. Number 12 indicates that 64.3% of respondent do subscribe to Nigerian movie channel on the internet. In Number 13, 75.7% of the respondents also establish that they do not watch Nigerian movies directly from the internet, but they download and watch later. In the same vein, Number 14 showed that 64.4% of respondent states that they rather collect downloaded Nigerian movies and watch. Number 15 indicates that 66.4% of the respondents keep downloaded Nigerian movies in their laptop and phones, and Number 16 shows that only 39% of the respondents indicated that they watch Nigerian movies on the local TV Stations and cable TV stations regularly, while a high proportion of 60.8% of the respondents stated that they do not watch Nigerian movies from terrestrial or digital TV.

Responses from Movie Retailers (338 w.c)
Respondents from Oye and Ikole movie retailers are members of the United Compact Disc Dealers Association (UCDDA), while the other retailers from Ifaki, Ayegbaju and Ilupeju belong to the Music Advertisement Association of Nigeria (MAAN). During the interviews, all the respondents established that the swift transition from VHS tape to CD/VCD/DVD in the early 2000's had significant implication on the business of movie distribution. They stated that video shops made more money from movie hiring in the era of VHS tape. Now, the sensitivity of the disc products (CD/VCD/DVD) did not favour movie hiring, movie discs are fashioned for sales. Apart from an assortment of foreign films in the movie shops, the retailers often stock their shops with a high proportion of Yoruba, and only a handful of English language Nigerian video films. The movie retailers stated that they stock their shops in the space of two weeks, on the average; when old stocks would have been sold, and by which time new titles were released. TAB A summarizes the number of titles, and copies of each title, as purchased by the retailers between November 2019 and February 2020.

DISCUSSION
Comparatively, Tab A and Tab B show that the video film retailers do select their stock at every new release. According to the retailers, their selection is guided by the careful observation of customers' preferences that were provided as feedbacks. These preferences often bothered on customer's considerations for such factors as the staring actor(s), the language of expression, and the genre of the movie. The retailers noted that when movies are released in parts, the subsequent release will only be prioritised if the previous win the interest of the viewers. Also, they stated that there was no need to re-stock an old Nigerian video film, however interesting it was, like they would for some foreign films.
Remarkably, customers don't patronize the old Nigerian films once a new release is released but they sometimes buy old foreign films that had been watched previously. The Responses from the interview sessions with the video film retailers have been analyzed and categorized in the following discussion.

Poor Quality of the Nigerian Video Film
The study highlights that poor quality of the Nigerian video films bothers on two main issues, viz.-technical errors and bad scripting. The retailers noted that their customers complain of such technical errors whereby within a scene shots that are noisy become mixed with others that are clear. Likewise, brightly shot sequences are noticeably mixed with shots that are darker. These, which leave customers with a bad taste, result from poor management of continuity, as well as the inappropriate use of the technical accompaniment of light and sound while shooting. Of scripting, the retailers noted that the story lines of the Nigerian video films had become objects of jeer for customers, as they register their disappointments. In section II, number 4, the highest proportion of respondents at 36.8%, disagree on the point-"the stories of the Nigerian movies are good and interesting", while 31.5% of hold that the Nigerian movie stories are good and interesting. The narrow margin resulting from the contrasting positions may have risen from the fact that most consumers are not knowledgeable or exposed enough to know what a good movie story is.
However, from the QCQVCNVFP analysis table above, number 5 and 6 of section II, establishes that respondents adjudged the quality of the stories as poor. Also in section II number 7, 64.2% of the respondents affirmed that the subject matters of the story are the Nigerian movies not good, while in section II number 8, 61.4% other held that the ending of the films are not also good. These high proportions, which combine the SA and A responses of the participants, are particular about their experience with the thematic thrust and the resolution of the movies. Further, the retailers at Oye, Ilupeju and Ayegbaju regarded the stories of the Nigerian video films as good, only, because they treat topical issues, but the other retailers think differently. Specifically, the retailers at Ifaki, Ikole noted that the story damages the image of Nigerians to the outside world, as customers complain about repetitive and overstretched activities of which craft and ritual killings, Besides the challenge of poor stories and bad scripting, acting has also adjudged as being substandard. Although, respondents to the survey and interview sessions seemed not to be literate enough in film art, to warrant sound appraisals in movie's role interpretation, their deductions were derived from sheer comparison of acting in the Nigerian video films, and in the foreign movies that are available in video format. Thus, when the retailer in Oye stated succinctly that "the acting is in Nigerian movies is not real,", he inferred that the role interpretation is not real to the film medium. This is observed in the display of unnecessary gestures, personal charm and nuances that do not favour cinematic aesthetics, is distasteful to most viewers. Also, the retailer from Ifaki attributed issues of compromised production standards, such as the inappropriate use of props/costumes as part of actor's default. They also blame the actors for the wrong use of grammar, suggests poor editorial input, and the shortcomings of pronunciation that truly acting errors. The retailers observed too that acting in the Nigerian movies, are not as swift and lively like that of the foreign movies. Specifically, the retailer at Ikole stated that the Nigerian movie actors engage in "talk-talk-talk" that is often accompanied by "enter-sit--drink-stand-exit". In essence, verbosity and stagy action are perceived as poor acting by the grassroots end-users of the produced movies. The forgoing is justified in that QCQVCNVFP analysis result in section II number 10, which indicates that a high proportion of 72.5% of the respondents affirm that Acting in the Nigerian movie is not as good as it is in foreign films.
Largely, the selected movie retailers established that the unchecked activity of pirates in the industry is a problem that challenges the development of industry. They claim that this challenge is mostly responsible for the compromise of standard and quality in the movie productions. They recounted that these plagiarists access the films at release, and reproduce enormous copies that are pushed into the street through numerous compromising video shops, and street hawkers who get to the doorsteps; selling a fraction of the cost price. They identify the Pirates' re-productions of video film release as one that is characterized with reduced aspect ratio and cracked viewing, which are patronized by mediocre buyers. The retailers noted that this continuous theft of investment had caused movie financiers (Marketers), to refrain from engaging core professionals for cost effectiveness. Taking cognizance of the diminished "mating season" of two weeks, and a "gestation period" of less than on month, the financiers get involved directly in the movie production process, to drive cost management, and at the expense quality.

Consumers' Loyalty to Nigeria movies
The retailers stated that the challenge of poor quality and substandard video film productions have also affected the commitment of consumers, in some way. The retailer at Ifaki, Oye and Ikole attested that there is an increase in the patronage of customers within the range age of 17-25years who patronize only foreign movies; especially the seasonal films. They also observed that the regular adult customers often complain that the dwindling quality of the Nigerian video films make it quite uninteresting to watch. Further, they noted that the persistent erratic power supply in Nigeria had also waned adult's interest from operating the video players. Shop owners, who once employed the Nigerian video film as entertainment device to keep customers within the business premises, also complain that most of their customers no longer show interests in the video films as it were. Notably, the younger customers who patronize foreign films are laptop-users who can apply alternative means to watch the film, when power becomes eclectics. They transfer the video from the laptops to their phones, and watch while on the move.
The retailers also remarked that many android users also find it convenient to download the Nigerian video films from the internet, especially from free access channels. Going by viewer-hour counts, should these internet user viewers have watched the Nigerian movies online, it would accrue to the producer's as financial gains. However, only a handful will view the movies online because majority end up downloading the movies to watch, while some even share with other, without appropriate commitments to the producers. Section III number 13, 14 and 15 of the QCQVCNVFP analysis establish that most of the Nigerian movie aficionados exploit free online movie download, without enabling due commitment to the producers. At a minute cost of data, they download the movies from the site and also share at will on request. So, while 75% of respondents establish that they do not watch Nigerian movies online, 64.4% of respondents claim that they collect already downloaded Nigerian moves to watch on their devices, and 66.4% of respondents state that they have more Nigerian movies in their devices than foreign movies. In other words, the customers hardly view the movies on online; they make no significant financial commitment to the movie owners. This establishes that consumers' commitment and loyalty to the Nigerian video film industry is poor. The consumers know that the online uploaded movies are somewhat transient and may not be available with, and to the viewer for too long compared to the videos on disc. Their increased preference for Nigerian movies online movies relates to their value for it, and this is not unconnected to the quality and standards.

Shelf Life
It has been suggested that the 'gestation period" for the Nigerian movies, which refers to the range of time from the commencement of pre-production to the end of post-production, is less than one month, and the "mating season" of 2 weeks, which stretches from the moviemaker's release date through an approximated time when movie pirates would be engaging in re-distribution. Already, these two are indictors to the shelf life of the Nigerian movies. According to the retailers, they usually return to market to for new releases every two weeks, by which time the old stocker would have been out ALLS 11(5):37-47 of shelf. Categorically, they stated that it is usually difficult to sell a film after 12days of stocking in shop, as patronage dwindles between the 10 th and 12 th day of arrival. Those who buy the Nigerian video films after these estimated days are those that patronize movie who flood the market with poor products at less than the cost prize. Hence, the retailers stated that they strive to get their new Nigerian video film stocks out of shelves within 10 to 12 days of arrival, even at the instance of discounting the selling price.

RECOMMENDATIONS (233 W.C)
The study has argued that Nigeria's faulty cinematic practice emanates from the British colonial heritage and the continuous neglect of the sector by the Nigerian government since independence. In spite of the volume of movies produced through the survivalist approach employed by independent movie financiers, the Nigerian video film has made very little impact in terms of financial profit. The study also established that the activities of movie pirates has dealt blows on the Nigerian movies investments, and had occasioned the culture of compromise of quality in the industry. This continuous compromise to quality has also continued to determine consumers' loyalty and the shelf life of the Nigerian movies. Hence, the Researchers hereby recommend that: a. To repel the activities of movie pirates, Government should declare a state of emergency against Pirates through legislations and the implementation of policies that can assure extended 'mating season', 'gestation period' and good investments that can stimulate the production of quality Nigerian video films. b. To ensure a good volume of quality productions, Government should establish standard world-class and accessible professional training centres for the Nigerian film workforce, regardless of their academic background, and to enforce the certification and periodic re-certification through for practitioners. c. Upon improved quality, Government should develop and monitor viable movie distribution model that can cater to the business ends of the Nigerian movie distribution at home, in the Diaspora, including online. This will enhance consumer loyalty and commitment, while ensuring optimal returns over investments. d. In the interest of growth and development, the industry stake-holders should, by every means, welcome and support Government's intervention for the standardization of the mainstream production line into a global industry.

CONCLUSION (224 W.C)
The Nigerian video film industry, in its current survivalist mode, is overdue for world-class standardization, giving its global fame. This, which will enhance its quality, will also stimulate increased loyalty and shelf life. Markedly, good quality has a huge effect on cost, and piracy in the Nigerian movie industry has challenged to the need for expanded investments, hence the prevalence of poor quality. The researches have established that the indicators of poor quality in the Nigerian video film industry include compromised production process, bad scripting, inappropriate acting and technical error. Also, the study discovers that the poor quality of video films production in Nigeria has adversely affected consumer's commitment and the shelf life of the movies, which has been estimated at 10 to 12 days after stocking. This study hereby establishes that the consequence of poor quality production in the Nigerian video film industry is a major determinant of consumer loyalty and shelf life of the movies, and Government, together with practitioner have a duty to curb piracy and develop a world-class Nigerian film industry that can make significant contribution to national income.