Systematic Shifts in Implicatures in Two Arabic Translations of Ernest Hemingway’s A Farewell to Arms

This paper uses a descriptive model to analyze the systematic shifts in implicatures in two Arabic translations of Ernest Hemingway’s A Farewell to Arms. The findings have shown that translators tend to observe more maxims and flout fewer maxims than the source author does. The findings have revealed an explicitation trend that improves the quality and quantity of information in the translated text. This trend presents the translator as being more cooperative in communication than the original author. It also repositions the target reader as being less cooperative than the source reader, a trend that indicates a more distanced and less involved reader. There is also a tendency to switch to a more euphemistic form, which gives evidence of the special status of the maxim “be polite” in Arabic. The textual analysis suggests that the explicitation of implicatures has nothing to do with the structural differences between the source and target languages, but is rather related to some assumptions that (i) literary translation involves interpretation and reverbalization of the original semantic and emotional values, (ii) literary translators may assume a lower level of reader participation or productivity and (iii) they opt for explicitation to avoid gambling with the text’s communicability.


INTRODUCTION
This study explores how implicatures are treated in two Arabic translations of Ernest Hemingway's A Farewell to Arms. It traces the deviation from the original form and message and its effects on the stylistic and inferential features of the source text. Many studies that have investigated implicatures in novels translated from English into Arabic and vice versa have focused on how to achieve equivalence, and largely disregarded the systematic shifts in implicatures in translation (for example, see Abdul-Hafiz 2004 andHassan 2011). The research into translational shifts in implicatures can provide insights into some under-researched dynamic aspects of English-Arabic translated fiction. These aspects include the differences in the linguistic realization of implicit and contextual values between the original and translated text and their effects on cognitive processes and inferential mechanisms. The research into such aspects can also provide insights into some newly emerging research issues in English-Arabic literary translation such as the interpretative role of the translator in the text, and the positioning of the Arabic readers towards the translated text as well as their assumed role in meaning-making processes.
The study ultimately provides results that can help define the characteristics of fiction translation from English into Arabic and contributes to the theoretical and methodolog-is that the speaker implicates while the listener infers the intended message relying on the context, or in other words they cooperate to achieve successful communication. Grice argues that speakers normally adhere to certain "conversational maxims" and if they flout them on purpose, listeners cooperatively disregard the literal meaning and instead consider the intended meaning. These maxims can be described as follows (Grice 1975, pp. 45-47): a. Maxim of quantity: give as much information as required and no more. b. Maxim of quality: be truthful; do not give false information or that for which you lack evidence. c. Maxim of relation: be relevant; give information that is relevant to the present conversation. d. Maxim of manner: be clear; speak in a brief and orderly way, and avoid obscurity and ambiguity.
The speaker may observe these maxims or opt for flouting/ exploiting them by giving information that is either less or more than required, or by being untruthful, or giving irrelevant or unclear information (Leech 2014, pp. 74-79). Examples on implicatures resulting from flouting the maxims are figures of speech like metaphors, similes, hyperboles, and personification. The speaker who metaphorically says an expression like "time is a thief" flouts the maxims of quality and manner, by deliberately being ambiguous and providing untrue information.
Limitations of Grice's theory of implicature are many. Most importantly, the theory does not take into account interpersonal meaning, nor does it take variations in language, culture and genre, and also there is sometimes an overlap between the maxims (Flowerdew 2013, p. 101). According to Sperber and Wilson (1995), as long as all what we say should be interpreted on the ground that it is relevant to the present conversation, the four maxims can better be reduced to one principle: that of "relevance". Mey (2004, p. 82) remarked that Grice's cooperative principle needs more maxims to account for all types of language exchanges. Leech (2014) appends Grice's list with a "politeness principle", which entails: "be polite". For Leech, this principle may interact with Grice's maxims in some ways, and it can explain the exceptional cases where Gricean maxims are flouted for social reasons. When Gricean maxims are flouted, it may be simply because the speaker wants to be polite. Leech (2014, p. 35) considers politeness principle to be operating at a higher level than Gricean maxims to maintain "social equilibrium".
Implicature has often been stressed as an important dynamic feature that should be reproduced in translation to preserve the intended messages and the communicative values of the original (Morini 2013;Baker 2018). Blum-Kulka (2000, pp. 306-308) views implicature as a vital element in discourse processing and interpretation and as an essential cohesive textual device to maintain coherence in the translated text. For example, the reader of the Arabic translation of Wuthering Heights needs to understand Emily Brontë's allusion to Shakespeare's King Lear to make sense of Lockwood's anger after being beaten by dogs; and to be able to arrive at a coherent interpretation and a cohesive text.
Implicature has been used in Gutt's relevance-theoretical approach to translation. Gutt (2010, pp. 105-106) defines translation as an instance of secondary communication that basically involves interpretive use of language, where the translator attempts to represent the same message in another language. He argues that the target text needs to interpretively resemble the source text; where the target reader is able to arrive at the interpretation without unnecessary processing efforts. The translators should either expect the target reader to be able to access a context that enables him/her to infer the intended meaning, or else have to make this context more accessible to the target reader themselves, because if the context envisaged by the target reader is not the same as the one envisaged by the original reader, the result may be a misinterpretation.
Some translation studies scholars have stressed that translators and translation theorists should be alert to culture-specificity or cross-cultural differences in both conventional implications of words and the ways a conversational implicature is achieved (e.g., Malmkjaer 2005;Hatim 2009). The status of Gricean maxims may not be the same in the different languages and cultures (for more details, see Clyne 1996, pp. 176-177). What is relevant and polite for people in one culture may be irrelevant or impolite in another. Baker (2018, pp. 249-252) argues that Arabic cultures generally place a higher value on politeness issues, which may often make Arab translators resort to omit any target expressions that may violate the Arabic reader's expectations of politeness standards, especially religious and sexual taboos. The maxims may not operate in the same way in all cultures. Hatim and Mason (1997, pp. 140-142) argue that while ironical implicatures may often be triggered in Arabic by exploiting the maxim of quantity, it is generally triggered by exploiting the maxim of quality in English.
It is also argued that compared to English, Arabic orders or requests may tend to show a greater level of directness (Hafiz 2004, pp. 233-235). Nonetheless, in many Western communities, people may feel that orders or requests threaten the hearer's negative face and therefore they may tend to avoid directness by using hedges and linguistic or non-linguistic deference and impersonalizing mechanisms (Brown and Levinson 1987, p. 69). Another example on how speech maxims differ across cultures is that this indirect way of requesting may sound odd to some Chinese people, since in some Chinese cultures the norm is to use direct requests and to give priority to considerations of frankness, efficiency of communication, and solidarity among the in-group members (Wang 2009, p. 212). Such interpersonal maxims are a part of the social structure of the language and recognizing them constitutes a part of people's communicative competence and stems from their knowledge of the community ground rules that govern and facilitate the communication process (Bell 1993, pp. 178-179).
Implicature can also offer help to literary stylisticians in the study of how authors "manipulate language to varying readerly effects", and the analysis of the role of conversational norms in meaning-making process, contributing to the description of a literary style (Warner 2014, p. 369). Implicatures are often seen as the features that remain open for multiple interpretations and which allow for the read-er's projection into the text. This feature of instability of language and of endless interpretability is what characterizes and makes a literary text different from other types of texts; for instance political texts, where the writer's vision and messages should be clearly identifiable. If we assume that style cannot be separated from meaning, a "stylistically-aware reading" of the original text is needed, with implicature being maintained to evoke similar stylistic effects on the target reader (Boase-Beier 2014, p. 394-496).
Incorporating implicature in the methodologies of literary translation studies can then help the research into such aspects as the translator's style, the translator's interpretive role, and the reader's dynamic relationship with the target text. Implicature is seen as one of textual elements that can be employed to help describe "what a text communicates to its readers" as well as "how a text communicates to its readers" and how readers may interact with a text (Morini 2008, p. 41;see Abualadas 2019a, p. 263). It is one of the features that can be used to analyze style in translation, which can involve (i) the style of the original text as an expression of its writer's options (ii) the style of the original text in its effects on the original reader (iii) the style of the translated text as an expression of options selected by the translator and (iv) the style of the translated text in its effects on the target reader (Boase-Beier 2010, p. 5; see Boase-Beier 2018).

PROCEDURES AND DELIMITATIONS
First of all, the study examines the source text to identify the implicatures resulting from observing and/or flouting the Gricean maxims. Then, it looks at how the source implicatures are treated in the translations, analyzing and categorizing any possible shift in the original form and meaning. This involves a comparison between the source and target texts in terms of conversational maxims including such dynamic aspects of the text as religious assumptions, politeness conventions, speech norms, and traditions. This analysis is essential for the description of the variables affecting the calculation of implicature in the source and target texts. The study then describes the overall direction of shift and its potential impacts on the original dynamic and stylistic characteristics.
It is very important to note here that it is not one of ultimate goals of the study to arrive at the distinctive stylistic features of each translator, nor does it seek to account for the many variables that may affect the shift. Such variables may include the translator's experience, ideology and political views, time and space limitations, client, publisher, and computer programs.

THE CORPUS
The corpus of the study is Ernest Hemingway's A Farewell to Arms (1929) and its two Arabic translations by Ref 'at Nasīm (1981) and Munīr Ba'lbakī (2006). 1 Both translators are native speakers of Arabic and are known as experienced English-Arabic literary translators. The novel has forty-one chapters, but since the study of implicature requires an analysis of context (including conversational maxims, narrator-character relationships, attitudes), the analysis of all chapters goes beyond the scope of the present study. The study analyzes only the first sixteen chapters, which contain about twenty-eight thousand words. A detailed qualitative analysis of such dynamic features of the text can be possible only on a focused corpus.
A Farewell to Arms is a story set during the First World War. It narrates a love story between the American Lieutenant Frederic Henry, an ambulance driver in the Italian army, and the English nurse Catherine Barkley. The story is told in the first person from the point of view of Frederic Henry. Hemingway was credited for his unique style he developed as a journalist. He learned to write short, declarative sentences to capture the immediacy of the action and focus on imagery as if painting rather than telling. He was influenced by Paul Cézanne, a French post-impressionist and painter known for his capturing the moment with its detail (Bloom 2010, p. 31). For example, the introductory sentences in A Farewell to arms are presented as images: "In the late summer of that year we lived in a house in a village that looked across the river and the plain to the mountains". Words such as "a house," "a village," "the river," "the plain," and "the mountains" can create visual presentation for the reader and add immediacy to the narrative description.
Hemingway uses lean, spare and plain descriptions of the Italian setting using contrasting images and repetitions. As Bloom (2010, p. 35) argues, "Hemingway's details about the geography of this area of Italy are so precise that someone unfamiliar with the region could retrace the path of the convoys just from his account". This stylistic feature allows the reader to engage in the interpretation of the event through mental associations.
A Farewell to Arms teems with images and metaphors, the painterly style that leads the reader to associate and connect mentally without the interference of the author or the narrator. Even the narrator in the first part of the novel is distant and objective. The lack of explicit connections between sentences is a prominent feature of the writing style of the novel (Sexton 2001, p. 100;see Wyatt 2015). For example, instead of saying "I drank much wine because it was good," Hemingway says "The wine was good. I drank much of it," forcing the reader to play an active interpretive role, linking the dots and filling in the gaps (Sexton 2001, p. 100).

ANALYSIS OF TRANSLATIONS
The researcher has looked at how the implicatures of the original are translated in the corpus, and traced any sort of deviation from the original that can convey any shift in the features of the original implicatures. The study has found (123) cases of shift in the translation of implicature. Theses shifts can be categorized into four major types as shown in Table 1 below: The (74) cases of explicitation shift involve (i) (48) cases of explicitation of the intended meaning of the original implicature and (ii) (26) cases of explicitation of information that helps the reader derive the original implicature.
Regarding the first category of shifts, (37) cases out of (48) involve explicitation of implicatures that can be triggered in the original from the flouting of maxims; particularly quality and quantity, while (11) cases involve explicitation of implicatures that can arise from the observance of the maxims.
The following examples are selected to illustrate how each type of shift occurs in its context. It is worth noting that since the ultimate goal of the study is to examine overall patterns of shift, and not to compare the different styles of translation, a comparison between the translators' options may not be always given.  "Just us two." "Won't there be more?" "Some more are coming." "When will they get here?" "I don't know. You ask a great many questions for a sick boy." (Chapter 13) Nasīm TT: 'uff. Kamm 'anta kathīru al-'as'ilata! lā na'rif. (Chapter 13, p. 73) [Gloss: Augh. You keep asking many questions. We don't know!]. In Example (1), after Henry visits Catherine at the hospital and starts to show affection to her, his roommate, Rinaldi, asks him about his relationship with her. The utterance "You have that pleasant air of a dog in heat" is a metaphor. It flouts the maxim of quality at face value, but at the same time it invites the reader to look at the implied meaning, which is in the original context "Henry is showing affection to Catherine". In Nasīm's translation, this metaphor is turned into a simile that flouts the maxim of manner, but it still invites the reader to look at what is implied. However, Ba'lbakī's translation resolves this ambiguity and spells out the intended meaning. In Example (2), Henry's fellow officers gang up, as usual, on their priest to taunt him, and the major tells them not to tease him anymore. As the translations show, the expression "He's all right" is interpreted as it flouts the maxim of quantity; by assuming that the major has not provided enough information and that what he wants to say is: "Ignore what the priest thinks of the war! He is still a good guy" or "Ignore what he says because everything is going very well!" In Example (6), after Henry is taken to the American hospital for treatment, he keeps asking an old nurse about the other nurses in the hospital, hoping to see Catherine. The addition of the interjection 'uff (which in Arabic expresses frustration and anger) indicates that the translator is explicitating the implicature that "the old nurse is annoyed at Henry's enquiries". This implicature can come into play only if the reader assumes that the maxim of relation is observed, by assuming that the nurse's response "You ask a great many questions for a sick boy" is relevant to Henry's question "When will they get here?" The other (26) cases of explicitation involve the insertion of additional information that may help the reader calculate the intended implicature. See the following example. 4. ST: "How did you do it, this rotten thing?" he asked.
(Chapter 15, p. 83) [Gloss: your health is as good as the ferocious goat]. In this example, a group of incompetent doctors examine Henry's injury and suggest he needs to wait for a few days before the surgery. But he does not listen to them and decides to consult a competent Italian surgeon, Dr. Valenti, who suggests that he is fine and can do the surgery the following morning. The doctor's utterance "You look healthy as a goat" is a simile that flouts the maxim of manner, for deliberately using an obscure expression. This simile implies that "Henry's health is good" and the addition of such description as being "ferocious" in the translation can help the target reader arrive at this intended implicature.
The second group of shifts as Table 1 shows is the addition of new implicatures in the translation. The shifts here have most often involved the insertion of (i) ironic and (ii) metaphorical expressions that do not exist in the original. See the following example: . This example is a conversation between three doctors, who examine Henry's wound and who seem to be, as Henry describes, incompetent and hesitant. Henry alludes to this fact when he says that "doctors who fail in the practice of medicine have a tendency to seek one another's company and aid in consultation" (Chapter 15). In the given translation, "the house doctor" is referred to as ṣāḥibunā (our friend). Given the fact that Henry in the story underestimates the medical professionalism of the three doctors and that none of them is actually a friend of his, the use of "our friend" in the translation to refer to the house doctor can be taken as an overt violation of the maxim of quality which in turn implicates an irony or sarcasm.
The third category of shifts is the potential loss of implicature in the translation, possibly because of the lack of some cultural knowledge presupposed in the original text. The shift here can occur as a result of opting for the literal translation of source expressions that have a referential meaning, with no attempt to explicitate or accommodate them to the target language, running the risk of losing the intended implicature in the translation. 5. "There are much worse wounded than me. I'm all right." "Come, come," he said. "Don't be a bloody hero." Then in Italian: "Lift him very carefully about the legs. His legs are very painful. He is the legitimate son of President Wilson." They picked me up and took me into the dressing room. (Chapter 9) Ba'lbakī TT: 'inahu 'ibna al-ra'īs wilsun al-shar'ī.
(Chapter 9, p. 84) [Gloss: He is the legitimate son of President Wilson] In this example, a blast severely wounds Henry and kills one of his fellow drivers. One of the British ambulance drivers urges doctors to help Henry first, by calling him "the legitimate son of President Wilson." However, Henry refuses and asks them to help his colleagues while he himself is in pain. Given the fact that Henry is not really the son of the President Wilson, the driver's expression flouts the maxim of quality. Wilson was actually the president of the US at the time of the war, and referring to him in this context implies the driver's wish to draw the doctors' attention to Henry. But this possible implicature may run the risk of being lost in the translation if the target reader does not share this referential information presupposed in the original.
The last category in the table involves a shift in politeness. In this group of shifts, the translation can give rise to an implicature that can be similar to the original, but it deletes the reference to taboo topics, namely religion and sex, which may offend the sensibilities of Arab and Muslim readers who may perceive them as offensive (Baker 2018, p. 250). Following is an example: 7. They dropped me once more before we reached the post. "You sons of bitches," I said.
"I am sorry, Tenente," Manera said. "We won't drop you again." (Chapter 9) Nasīm TT: yā awalād al-kalbah. (Chapter 9,p. 49) [Gloss: you sons of the dog]. Two porters carry Henry, who is badly injured from the blast, into the American hospital. They mistakenly drop him before they reach his room and Henry swears at them. Henry's expression "sons of bitches" is conventionally a pejorative epithet. It may also be considered a flouting of the maxim of quality that requires going beyond the literal meaning. But in many Arabic cultures, this expression may tend to evoke meanings like sexual immorality or pornography which, besides the risk of casting unwanted meanings in translation, may reflect impolite behavior. Opting for a form like "sons of the dog" in the Arabic translation still flouts the maxim of quality and may convey a similar implicature, but it clearly deletes a strong taboo item. This may reflect the translator's effort to accommodate the form to the politeness conventions in the target culture.

DISCUSSION OF RESULTS
The data in Table 1 reveal that out of the (123) cases of shifts, (74) cases (about 60% of the total shift) involve explicitating either (i) the source implicature (48 cases) or (ii) information that helps infer the implicature (26 cases), suggesting a tendency in translations to communicate meanings at a more expressed level, and to provide more assistance and support to the target reader in interpreting the message. In comparison with the original, these shifts suggests a text that tends to either tell its readers explicitly rather than implicitly (Morini 2008, p. 41), or else help readers interpret the message by supplying them with more contextual assumptions that expand their "cognitive environment" (Gutt 2010, p. 27). Such patterns of shift express a shift in the way a text chooses to tell its readers. For instance, the translation "Your face seems to show affection which a dog shows when having a lust" chooses to tell the reader in a more explicit way than does the original utterance "You have that pleasant air of a dog in heat" (see Example 1). Using Boase-Beier's (2010, p. 5) terms, such a shift indicates in one way or another a change in both "the style of the source text as an expression of its author's choices" and "the style of the source text in its effects on the reader".
The data also reveal that out of the (48) cases of implicature explicitation, (37) cases (about 77% of the total cases of explicitation) involve explicitation of implicatures resulting from the exploitation of the maxims in the original, while only (11) cases (23%) involve explicitation of implicatures arising from the observance of the maxims. This points to a tendency in the translated text to flout less conversation-al maxims than in the original. Since the maxims that have undergone the explicitation process are most often those of quantity and quality, it can be argued that there is a tendency in translations to give the reader at first sight both a greater amount of information and a more reliable and sincere information. Since the end result of this increased amount and enhanced quality of information is a shift towards a more expressed or explicit level of information in the translation, the shift here may support the claim that explicitation is a universal feature of translations. That is, translations tend to be more explicit than their originals (Blum-Kulka 2000).
The result here may initially support the view that what is said in the original may become clearer and less ambiguous in the translation. But a number of important questions arise here. What brings about this type of shift in translations? Is this explicitation shift inherent in "the process of language mediation", regardless of the shift traceable to linguistic differences between the source and target language involved, as Blum-Kulka (2000, p. 302) claims, or is it more connected to the translator's personal preferences and choices?
The explicitation shifts in this study are not actually traceable to any structural differences between English and Arabic. In other words, they are not "obligatory" explicitations, which often occur due to grammatical differences between the source and target language or because of a missing grammatical category in target language (Klaudy 2009, p. 106). The nature and function of these shifts necessitate considering factors that are of a socio-cultural nature, such as the conventions or "norms" of translation (Toury 2012, p. 63). For example, the explicitations here may be related to the translator's (conscious or subconscious) efforts to interpret the original, probably to ensure that its messages are conveyed completely, or at least to avoid any possible "communicative risks" in the translation; such as a misunderstanding on the part of the target reader (Pym 2005;see Abualadas 2019b, p. 424). The addition of the expression "ferocious" in "You look healthy as a ferocious goat" may be nothing but an attempt on the part of the translator to communicate the implicature "Henry's health is good" more effectively.
Such behaviour is often expected in a literary translation, especially if we assume that literary translators translate into a context in which the reader may be culturally and linguistically remote from the original genre. It is normal to see a literary translator, after his/her personal apprehension and conception of the source text realties (Levý 2011, p. 34), tries to take proactive stems to resolve any possible ambiguities in a text that may not often allow for any further contact with its author (Pápai 2004, p. 145). This behaviour can reflect some information about the "black box" of the translators (House 2013, p. 51), not only as to their translation processes or strategies, but also to their views and expectations about the Arabic readers' decoding or inferential capabilities. It seems plausible here to claim that opting for explicitating an implicature or adding extra contextual information via translation may express the translator's expectation of lower levels of reader participation in meaning creation.
The lesser flouting of maxims in translation may mean a more cooperative translation: a translation that flouts fewer maxims compared to its original. Since the reading process requires cooperation; going beyond the literal meaning and appreciating the implied meaning, the explicitaion shifts should lead to a lesser cooperation on the part of the target reader compared to the source language reader. This shift may then have an effect on an important stylistic characteristic of the original literary text. As introduced earlier, A Farewell to Arms employs a painterly style that induces the reader to associate and connect mentally without the direct intervention of the narrator. The narrator of the story just describes the event and the reader infers the meaning by filling the gaps and making the connections. But the explicitation shifts here can lead to fewer gaps and more determinate meanings, inducing a lesser dynamic interaction with the text. But again, one may justify this pattern of shift by assuming that fiction translators should not risk the deep or psychological sense of the original story in favor of preserving the ambiguity and manner of expression of the original (Eco 2008, p. 16).
Following this view, in addition to the distorting effect of the translator's subjective interpretation, explicitation shifts affect the ambiguity in the original. Ambiguity is emphasized as a cognitive process and a defining stylistic feature of literature (Boase-Beier 2010, p. 82-88). Ambiguity in literary language often engages, attracts attention, induces search for a resolution, and evokes interest and excitement. Vagueness and ambiguity normally constitute the ground for the reader to establish a cognitive context by mapping his/ her own human experience onto the framework provided by the literary text (Stockwell 2002, p. 92). But the explicitation of implicatures involves a process of disambiguation, which in addition to causing a translation look simpler and easier to process than its original (Toury 2012, p. 306), distorts the aesthetic ambiguity of the translated literary work.
Readers do not often respond to a text in the same way. Yet, they generally feel involved if the text is explicit and clear, and the opposite may be the case on other occasions, as too much clarity can be felt as boring, or maybe offensive since readers may think that their inferential capabilities are underestimated (Morini 2008, p. 42). However, such considerations are largely both culture-and language-specific. For example, in comparison with other languages such as English, Arabic is often considered as markedly more "explicative", i.e., its texture tends to manifest a higher degree of "explicitness in the linguistic realization of contextual values" (Hatim 2006, pp. 99-100). So, one may expect the Arabic reader to perceive the explicitation of implicatures in a positive way. But again, even when a culture seems to theoretically assign a positive value to "explicitness" and "clarity in meaning" like many Arabic-language cultures (Abdul-Raof 2006, pp. 35, 41, 125), there is no guarantee that all readers in a certain culture will perceive this value in the same way.
The process of disambiguation, which reveals the translator's orientation towards managing ambiguity and maintaining clarity (Munday 2016, p. 184), is an indicator of the translator's cooperation and interpretive role in the translated text. It may also be a textual proof of the translator's systematic attempts to "standardize" the original, by replacing its features with more common, less ambiguous and less stylistically varied options in the target language (Toury 2012, p. 304-307). Within this framework of analysis, the non-explicitaion of implicature can be seen as an adoption of literalism, taking a communicative risk by saying what someone else is responsible for (Pym 2008, p.324). Non-explicitaion can also be seen here as the default option and the easiest to use; where the translator makes no or less adaptation efforts and plays a less dynamic role in the text.
Two more implications can be drawn from the data. The addition of new implicatures in translation can also be looked at as textual traces of the translators' apprehension of the artistic reality of the original and their materialization of the original story. The ironical or metaphorical implicatures that have been added via translation (such as the addition of the phrase "our friend" in the translation in Example 5, which implicates more sarcasm about the incompetent doctor who examines Henry) may reflect the literary translator's representation of their imagination or reconstruction of their understanding of the events depicted in the original. They should be looked at as traces of a literary translator speaking for the source author (Jones 2009, p. 154). The translators' imagination here is as important as it is in theatre directors; without it, an integral appreciation of the work as a whole can hardly be achieved. Translators are generally required to be familiar with the environmental realia of the source, because only such direct knowledge of the realities depicted in the work makes it possible to reconstruct the manner of their representation in the work. (Levý 2011, p. 34). Finally, the shifts in politeness, such as when replacing "bitches" with "dogs" in "You sons of bitches" to avoid the reference to a taboo topic in Arabic (see Example 7), show that considerations of politeness are prioritized in the translators' choices over faithfulness to the original form. The translators seem to have employed a "cultural filter" to manage cross-cultural differences in politeness conventions in translation (House 1998, p. 70). If we assume that translators not only translate between two language systems, but also between speakers of these languages, in their specific linguistic and social context (Şerban 2013, p. 218), no wonder that this interpersonal side of language is adapted to suit the needs of the Arabic-language community.

CONCLUSION
The textual data in this study suggest that translators provide more communicative clues, and are therefore more cooperative than the original writers in their communication, as it may often sound to them a safer or less risky option (Pym 2008, pp. 322-324). Literary translators do not seem to exploit maxims different from those in the original text to maintain a similar effect on readers of the translated text. What seems to be more important to them is to provide readers with cognitive assistance they may need to arrive at the intended interpretation, to achieve the assumed goal(s) of such an intercultural communication. Translators also seem to design their translations to be appropriate to users of a different system in a different linguistic and cultural con-text, and therefore appear more polite when compared to the original writers. Since these new users operate in a different cognitive context and what they read is often manipulated or adapted by translators, obtaining a text that is pragmatically and stylistically equivalent to the original is a challenge.
The data show that fiction translation demonstrates greater encoding of contextual information, which basically stems from the translators' apprehension of the source text and their attempts to re-verbalize its semantic values. Since implicature requires an inference process for comprehension, the tendency to explicitate implicatures suggests a target text demanding less processing efforts on the part of the target audience. This trend of shift may also suggest that the target reader's inferential or decoding abilities may (consciously or unconsciously) be undervalued by the literary translator.
The study has presented a research model that uses implicature as a textual feature to study and evaluate fictional translations. The findings of the study should raise the awareness towards the role of implicature in maintaining the stylistic and dynamic characteristics of the original narrative. The study has given empirical results that help contribute to the research into the norms of English-Arabic fiction translation. The study recommends future researches to explore what literary translations tend to do more, to observe Grice's maxims or flout them, and also to explore whether they tend to observe or flout certain maxims more than others, and its effects on the Arabic audience. Future studies may also look at the effect of more conditioning factors in the shift, such as the translator's background, ideology, time and space restrictions, clients, or publishers.